





o . n 









o * . 









» * i 



* r "» 



* • o. 






: J% 









• • » .\ F 






* • 



> < 



' 1 1 









l0 V .li* " 



• • • . <r < 



o°I J * **b. 



V\»** .^ 



O * A> 



"oV* 



L^ .*'** "^ ,Q V 






# n 






« * o. 



m a 



A& >^, 






^o i> :M$^« 



& *LLL>+ *> 



i>V 






t • o 






• «^ 



o, * 












* v ^ 







V-o^ 




r oV 
















W 














cr o 



$> - N O ^ 










1 * 






q, *•,••• A *$> 



^0* 









\Ac*ftt*»« <**«>. rt*. w<* 9 t>* «*«*. 



THE 



CONQUEST OF FLORIDA, 



BY 



HERNANDO DE SOTO. 



BY 



THEODOKE IKYING, M.A. 



Son quattromila, e bene armati e bene 
Instrutti, usi al disagio e tolleranti. 
Buona e Ja gente, e non pub da piu dotta 
O da piii forte guida esser condotta.— Tasso. 



COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME. 



NEW- YORK: 
GEORGE P. PUTNAM, 155 BROADWAY 




1851. 






! 



J 






* • 



Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1851, by 

Theodore Irving, 

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Southern District of 

New- York. 




JOHN F. TROW, 



gutter aitir JStmotjjptr 

^w/""") 49 Ann-Street 



V \ J\ . * . v *• 



j- y \ \ 



,-\ 






- . - "» 



*~r ; 



• %. 



\ , 



DEDICATION. 



TO WASHINGTON IBVING-, Esq. 

My Dear Uncle : 

I know of no person to whom I can with more 
propriety dedicate the following pages than to yourself, 
since they were written at your suggestion, and the 
materials of which they are composed were moulded 
into their present form and feature under your affec- 
tionate and judicious advice. 

Often, in the course' of my labors, when I have 
been dismayed by unlooked for difficulties, and dis- 
heartened by those misgivings which beset an inexpe- 
rienced writer, you have dispelled my doubts, cheered 
forward my faltering spirit, and encouraged me to 
persevere. 



vi DEDICATION. 



I would be pardoned for alluding to other and 
greater obligations yet nearer to my heart: with, the 
anxious interest of a parents eye 7 you have watched 
over the most critical period of my life. Amid the 
excitement and snares of foreign scenes, and in the 
quiet employments of our home, your counsels have 
been my guide — your friendship — the circumstances will 
excuse the term from one so much your junior — your 
friendship my happiness and pride. The heedlessness 
of boyhood could not arrest your assiduous care — the 
wayward habits of youth have not wearied your un- 
ceasing solicitude. That I have been thus far led in 
safety, claims the fervent gratitude of 

Your affectionate nephew, 

THEODORE IRVING. 



PREFACE. 



While studying the Spanish language, some few years since, at 
Madrid, an old chronicle was placed in my hands, relating to the 
early discoveries and achievements of the Spaniards in America. 
It was denominated " The Florida of the Inca, or the History of 
the Adelantado, Hernando de Soto, Governor and Captain-Gene- 
ral of the Kingdom of Florida, and of other heroic cavaliers, 
Spaniards and Indians : written by the Inca Garcilaso de la 
Vega." As I read, I became insensibly engrossed by the extra- 
ordinary enterprise therein narrated : I dwelt with intense 
interest upon the harebrained adventures and daring exploits of 
steel-clad warriors, and the no less valiant and chivalrous deeds 
of savage chieftains, which entitle this narrative to the high 
praise bestowed upon it by Mr. Southey, of being one of the 
most delightful works in the Spanish language. 

While thus employed, I had the good fortune to meet with 
a narrative on the same subject, written by a Portuguese soldier, 
who was present in the expedition. This led to further research 
and closer examination ; and, finding that the striking events 
and perilous adventures in the chronicles of the Inca were borne 



viii PREFACE. 



out, in the main, by this narrative from another hand, and that 
various lights had been thrown by modern travellers upon the 
line of march said to have been taken by the adventurous band 
of De Soto, I was convinced, that what I had before regarded 
almost as a work of fiction, was an authentic, though, perhaps^ 
occasionally exaggerated history. 

Deeming, therefore, that a full account of an expedition 
which throws such an air of romance over the early history of 
a portion of our country, would possess interest in the eyes of 
my countrymen, I resolved, to the best of my abilities, to digest 
a work from the materials before me. 

The two main sources from which I have derived my facts, are 
the narratives already mentioned, by the Inca G-arcilaso de la 
Vega, and by the anonymous Portuguese adventurer. The for- 
mer I have consulted in a folio edition, printed in Madrid, in 
1723, and in the history of the Indias, by Herrera, in which it is 
incorporated almost at full length. The Portuguese narrative I 
have found in an English translation, published in London, in 
1686, and in an abridgment in Purchas's Pilgrims. 

It has been the fashion, in later days, to distrust the narra- 
tive of the Inca, and to put more faith in that of the Portuguese. 
This has occasionally been done without due examination into 
their respective claims to credibility. Grarcilaso de la Yega was 
a man of rank and honor. He was descended from an ancient 
Spanish stock by the father's side, while by the mother's, he was 
of the lofty Peruvian line of the Incas. His narrative was 
originally taken down by himself, from the lips of a friend ; a 
cavalier of worth and respectability, who had been an officer un- 
der De Soto, and for whose probity we have the word of the Inca 
as a guarantee. It was authenticated and enriched by the writ- 



PREFACE. is 



ten journals or memorandums of two other soldiers, who had 
served in the expedition. He had the testimony, therefore, of 
three eye-witnesses. 

The Portuguese narrative, on the other hand, is the evidence 
of merely a single eye-witness, who gives himself out as a cava- 
lier, or gentleman ; but for this we have merely his own word, 
and he is anonymous. There is nothing intrinsic in his work 
that should entitle it to the exclusive belief that has been claim- 
ed for it. It agrees with the narrative of the Inca, as to the 
leading facts which form the framework of the story : it differs 
from it occasionally, as to the plans and views of Hernando de 
Soto ; but here the Inca is most to be depended upon — the 
Spanish cavalier from whom he derived his principal information 
being more likely to be admitted to the intimate councils of his 
commander than one of a different nation, and being free from 
the tinge of national jealousy which may have influenced the 
statements of the Portuguese. 

The narrative of the Portuguese is more meagre and con- 
cise than that of G-arcilaso ; omitting a thousand interesting 
anecdotes and personal adventures ; but this does not increase 
its credibility. A multitude of facts, gathered and gleaned from 
three different persons, may easily have escaped the knowledge, 
or failed to excite the attention of a solitary individual. These 
anecdotes are not the less credible because they were striking 
and extraordinary ; the whole expedition was daring and extra- 
vagant, and those concerned in it men who delighted in adventure 
and exploit.* 

I have been induced, therefore, in the following pages, to 

* The reader will find a note concerning Garcilaso de la Vega and his 
work, in the Appendix. 



PREFACE. 



draw my facts more freely and copiously than others, in later 
days, have seemed inclined to do, from the work of the Inca ; 
still I have scrupulously and diligently collated the two narra- 
tives, endeavoring to reconcile them where they disagreed, and 
to ascertain, with strict impartiality, which was most likely to 
he correct, where they materially varied, and to throw upon 
the whole subject the scattered lights furnished "by various 
modern investigators. While I have discarded many incidents 
which appeared hyperbolical, or which savored too strongly of 
the gossip of idle soldiery, I have retained, as much as possible, 
those every-day and familiar anecdotes which give so lively a 
picture of the characters, habits, persons and manners of the 
Spanish discoverers of those days, and to my mind bear so 
strongly the impress of truth and nature. My great object has 
been to present a clear, connected, and characteristic narrative 
of this singular expedition : how far I have succeeded, it is for 
the public to judge. 



PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION. 



Since publishing the last edition of the Conquest of Florida, 
much valuable light has been thrown upon the expedition by 
the investigation of several literary gentlemen residing in our 
Southern States, and I have been gratified to find, that their 
statements corroborate, in the main, the account I have given of 
De Soto's expedition. 

I am indebted to Gr. R. Fairbanks, Esq., of St. Augustine, 
for the results of a very careful personal examination of the 
route of the Spaniards until they reached Apalachee Bay, and 
have been much aided, by a diagram with which he very kindly 
furnished me, in tracing the line of march through East 
Florida. 

Buckingham Smith, Esq., very politely forwarded me from 

Washington, the most recent maps of East Florida, and gave me 

some useful hints with reference to the route of De Soto. 

1* 



SB 



PREFACE. 



A valuable article, entitled u Sketches of the History of Ala- 
bama," by Alexander Meek, Esq., published in the " Southron 
Monthly Magazine and Review," Jan., 1839, confirms the gene- 
ral accuracy of my work in regard to localities. 

Col. Albert J. Pickett, a young author of reputation, at the 
South, has issued in pamphlet form the first chapter of a History 
of Alabama he is preparing for the press, and which promises to 
be a valuable addition to the historical literature of our country.* 
This chapter is taken up with the Expedition of De Soto, and 
has been written, as he says, " while armed at all points with the 
best traditions and authorities." As I have differed from some 
writers on certain points, it is gratifying to meet the following re- 
mark in Mr. Pickett's preface. " Theodore Irving, in his Con- 
quest of Florida, has in a great measure been accurate and faith- 
ful in describing the route of De Soto, and the incidents attend- 
ing it." 

A third account of this expedition, written by Biedma^ Be 
Soto's commissary, was placed in my hands by Joseph Gr. Gogs- 
well, Esq., the accomplished and courteous librarian of the Astor 
Library. It is a confused statement of an illiterate soldier, 
who. although an eye-witness of what he relates, had not the gift 
of describing lucidly what he saw, but, so far as his narrative 
throws any light on the subject, the accuracy of History, as here 
given, is confirmed. 

* " The History of Alabama, and incidentally of Georgia and Mississippi," 
by Albert James Pickett, of Montgomery, Ala., 2 vols. 



PREFACE. xiii 



The growing interest manifested in our country for every- 
thing that tends to clear up the misty annals of our early 
history, has induced me to prepare a revised edition of my 
work for the press ; and if it only serves this purpose, I shall 
be fully rewarded for my labors. 

Since the publication of the first edition of this work, the 
war with the native tribes of Florida has occurred ; in which 
the United States troops have sustained many of the difficulties, 
hardships and perils sustained by the Spaniards in their adven- 
turous expedition. The same proud and unyielding spirit was 
exhibited by the native chiefs, which actuated their ancestors, 
and called forth the admiration of the Spanish historians. In- 
deed, the recent Indian campaigns in Florida cast back much 
illustration and interest on the romantic enterprise of De Soto. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTERS PAGE 

I. First discovery of Florida, . . . . 23 

II. The expedition of Painphilo de ISTarvaez, . . .28 

III. Hernando de Soto — his birth. — Adventures in Peru. — Fits 

out an armament for Florida. — Touches at the Canary 
Islands. — Arrival at Cuba, .... 34 

IV. Rejoicings of the inhabitants of Cuba on the arrival of De 

Soto. — Deposition of Nufia Tobar. — Don Vasco Por- 
callo de Figueroa appointed Lieutenant General of the 
Forces, . . . . . . .45 

V. Juan de Aiiasco twice dispatched to Florida. — His nar- 
row escape and safe return. — Final preparations of the 
Governor, . . . . . .49 

VI. De Soto meets with an old comrade, Hernan Ponce, much 

against the will of the latter, . . . .51 

VII. The armament sets sail from Cuba. — Arrival and landing in 
Florida. — Exploit of Vasco Porcallo. — They come upon 
the first traces of Pamphilo de Narvaez, . . 56 

VIII. Story of Juan Ortiz, . . . . .62 

IX. Baltazar de Gallegos dispatched in search of Juan Ortiz. 
— The Cacique Mucozo, and afterwards his mother, visit 
the Spanish camp, . . . . .68 



XVI 



CONTENTS. 



XL 



XII. 



XIII. 



XIV. 



XV. 



XX. 
XXI. 
XXII. 



XXIII. 



XXV. 



XXVI. 



73 



77 



82 



CHAPTERS PAQB 

X. The Governor endeavors to gain the friendship of the 
stern Cacique of Hirrihigua. — Gallegos dispatched on 
an expedition to the village of Urribarracuxi. — He 
hears of a region to the westward, abounding in gold, 

The expedition of the veteran Vasco Porcallo, in quest 
of the Cacique Hirrihigua, and how he fared in a 
swamp, ....... 

De Soto leaves Pedro Calderon with a garrison in Hirri- 
higua, and sets out on his march into the interior. — The 
difficulties he encountered — Gonzalo Silvestre sent back 
with a message to Calderon, .... 

The perilous journey of Gonzalo Silvestre, and his friend, 
Juan Lopez, ...... 

Thirty lances sally forth with supplies for the Governor. — 
The haughty speech of the Cacique Acuera, 

The Governor arrives in the province of Ocali. — Occurrences 
there, ....... 

XVI. The fate of the Greyhound, .... 

XVII. The Spaniards enter the vast province of Vitachuco. — Their 
reception there, ...... 

XVIII. Haughty message of the Cacique Vitachuco, . 

XIX. The Cacique Vitachuco dissembles. — His plot to destroy 
the Spaniards, ...... 

Battle with Vitachuco, ..... 

Death of Vitachuco and his warriors, 

The army passes through the province of Osachile. — Come 
to a vast morass. Severe skii-mishing with the savages. 
— Preparations to cross the great morass, 

Of the perilous passage of the great morass, 
XXIV. The Indians make a desperate stand at a deep stream, — 
The Spaniards gain the pass, and arrive at the Indian 
village of Anhayca, in the province of Apalachee, . 

Juan de Afiasco sets out in search of the Ocean. — The ad- 
ventures he met with by the way, 

Juan de Afiasco arrives at the bay, where he finds traces of 
Pamphilo de Narvaez, . . . * 



93 

98 
101 

103 
107 

110 
114 
122 

127 
133 

137 
140 
144 



CONTENTS. 



xvu 



CHAPTERS 

XXVIL 
XXVIII 

XXIX. 

XXX. 

XXXI. 

XXXIL 

XXXIII. 

XXXIV. 
XXXV. 

XXXVI. 

XXXVII. 
XXXVIII. 

XXXIX. 
XL. 

XLI. 

XLII. 

XLIII. 



The expedition of Juan de Afiasco and his band of thirty 
troopers, . . . . . . .146 

Continuation of the bold and perilous expedition of Juan 
de Afiasco and his thirty lances, . . . 150 

De Soto's enterprise against the Cacique of Capafi, 

Singular escape of the Cacique Capafi, . 

Continuation of the expedition of Juan de Afiasco and his 
thirty lances, and what further befell them, 



154 
157 

160 

165 



Passage of the great morass. — The troopers suffer from ex- 
treme cold. — The vexation of Gomez Arias, 

They capture some of the natives. — Perplexed with fears 
for the safety of the garrison at Hirrihigua. — Their arri- 
val there, ...... 169 

Afiasco sails in quest of the bay of Aute. — Gomez Arias 
embarks for the Havana — and Calderon prepares to 
march to join the army, . . . .175 

Breaking up of the garrison at Hirrihigua. — Pedro Calde- 
ron sets out to rejoin the Governor. — Desperate conflict 
with the natives in crossing the great swamp, . 177 

Fierce struggle with the natives at the passage of a stream. 
— Arrival at the village of Apalachee, . .183 

The exploring expedition of Diego Maldonado, . 186 

Strange adventures that befell the Spaniards while winter- 
ing in Apalachee, . . . . .188 

Tidings of a gold region. — The Spaniards break up their 
winter cantonment. — A fatal encounter, . . 193 

Reception of the Spaniards by the natives of Atapaha. — 
Their arrival at the province of Cofa — and what hap- 
pened there, . . . . . .199 

Reception of the army by the Cacique. — Preparations for 
penetrating to the province of Cofachiqui, . . 201 

Some account of the Chieftain Patofa. — The Indian boy 
Pedro has a marvellous visitation, . . . 204 

The desertion of an Indian, and how he was punished. — 
The army lost in a trackless wilderness, . . 207 



xvm 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTERS PAGE 

XLIV. Parties dispatched in different directions, to seek some 
outlet to this wilderness. — Sufferings of the army for 
want of food.— Success of Juan de Afiasco's expedition, 211 

XLV. The half famished army revived by the tidings of Anasco's 
discovery of an abundant region. — The ravages com- 
mitted by Patofa and his warriors. — De Soto's reception 
by the beautiful Princess of Cofachiqui, . .215 

XLVI. The army quartered in the village of the young Princess. — 
Aiiasco dispatched after a certain rich widow. — Some 
account of the young warrior by whom he was guided, 222 
XLVII. The melancholy fate of the young Indian guide. — Anasco 

makes another attempt to capture the old princess, 225 

XL VIII. Disappointment of the Spaniards with respect to gold. — 
The treasure they find. — They discover some European 
relics, ...... 228 

XLIX. The Spaniards resume their march. — The Princess of Co- 
fachiqui carried away captive — A mutiny. — The army 
traverse the territory of the Cherokees. — Escape of the 
young Priucess. — Juan Terron and his pearls, . . 235 

L. Arrival of the army at Guaxule. — Reception of the Span- 
iards by the Cacique of Ychiaha. — Two troopers dis- 
patched to the mountains in search of gold, and what 
success they had, ..... 241 
LI. The manner in which the Indians extracted the pearls from 
the shell. — Generosity of a soldier. — What befell Luis 
Bravo de Xeres while fishing, . . . . 245 

LII. How they were treated by the Cacique of Acoste, at whose 
village they arrived. — The manner in which the young 
Cacique, Cosa, came forth to meet them. The Indians 
show a hostile disposition. — The Cacique Cosa escorts 
them to Talise, and why, .... 248 

LIIL The gigantic chieftain, Tuscaluza. — His haughty recep- 
tion of the Spaniards. — Great sufferings of the army 
for the want of salt. — Strange malady occasioned there- 
by, . . . . . . .255 

LIV. Tuscaloosa, his steed and raiment. — His village — Mysteri- 
ous disappearance of two soldiers. — Arrival at the village 
ofMauvila, ....... 259 



CONTENTS. 



YIY 



LVI 

LVII 

LVIII 

LIX. 



LX. 

LXI. 
LXII. 



CHAPTERS 

LV. The disastrous battle of Mauvila, . 

Fall of Tuscaloosa, ..... 

The plight of the Spaniards after the battle of Mauvila, . 

De Soto becomes an altered man, and why, 

The Adelantado breaks up his encampment at Mauvila. — 
Manner of crossing a river. — The pass stoutly defended 
by the Indians, ...... 

De Soto sends a messenger to the natives with offers of 
peace. — Encamp in a Chickasaw village. — Two soldiers 
condemned to death, .... 

The desperate battle of Chicaza, . 

The Spaniards remove to Chicacilla. — Occurrences there. — 
The exploit of Juan de Guzman. — The invention of one 
of the soldiers as a protection against the cold, 

LXIII. Juan de Aiiasco, and a detachment of horse and foot, 
have a brush with the natives; and how he was 
taunted by them. — Storming of the fortress of Alibamo. 
— Challenge of an Indian warrior, and how he fared 
in consequence, ...... 

The Spaniards come in sight of the Mississippi. — The Ca- 
cique Chisca — his hostile movements, 

The Spaniards prepare to cross the Mississippi. — A Cacique, 
with a fleet of canoes, comes to visit the Governor : — 
the result of their interview — Passage of the Mississippi. 
— Arrival among the Kaskaskias Indians, 

A religious ceremony on the banks of the Mississippi, . 

Expedition against the Cacique Capaha. — His village is 
sacked. — Fortifies himself in an Island, where he is again 
assailed. — The Spaniards deserted by their allies, the 
Casquins, ...... 

Interview between the Cacique Capaha and De Soto. — 
His two beautiful wives, and their fate, 

Two soldiers dispatched in search of salt and gold, and the 
account they brought back. — The Spaniards arrive at 
Quiguate. — Juan Gaytan refuses to perform his duty, 
and what De Soto did thereupon. 



PAGE 

263 
274 

279 
283 



LXIV. 



LXV. 



LXVI. 
LXVIL 



LXVIII. 



LXIX. 



287 

291 
295 

300 



303 



309 



313 
318 



321 



327 



330 



XX 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTERS 

LXX. 



LXXI. 



LXXII. 



LXXIII. 



LXXIV. 

LXXV. 
LXXVI. 

LXXVII. 

LXXVIII. 
LXXIX. 



The Spaniards arrive at Coligoa — pass through the pro- 
vince of Palisema, into the country of the Tunicas. — 
The manner in which the natives made salt. — Enter the 
province of Tula. — Attack upon an Indian village. — 
Struggle between a soldier and five women, . 330 

What the Spaniards found in the village of Tula. — The 
tribe of Tula differed from any Indians they had seen. 
— They fall suddenly upon the encampment at night. — 
The prowess of an Indian, and his fate, . . 337 

The army arrives at Utiangue. — The Governor determines 
to winter there. — Preparations accordingly. — Death of 
Juan Ortiz, the interpreter, .... 341 

Change in the views and plans of De Soto. — He turns his 
steps towards the Mississippi. — A soldier drowned in 
attempting to cross a lake. — The Spaniards pass through 
the province of Anilco. — Hostile bearing of the Cacique. 
— Arrival at Guachoya, .... 345 

Meeting between De Soto and the Cacique Guachoya. — 
Anasco dispatched to seek for the sea. — Expedition by 
land and water, against the Chieftain Anilco, and the 
result, . . . . . . 350 

Difficulties with the Cacique of Quigualtanqui. — Illness 
and death of De Soto, .... 355 

The burial of De Soto. — The Cacique sends two young 
Indians to be sacrificed to his manes. — "What Luis de 
Moscoso said in reply. — Disposal of the Governor's 
effects, . . . . . . .361 

The Spaniards, under the command of Luis de Moscoso, 
commence their march to the westward. — Arrival at the 
province of Chaguate — where they find salt, . 365 

Disappearance of Diego de Guzman. — Cause of his deser- 
tion, . . . . . . .369 

The army arrives at Naguatex ; have a severe brush 
with the natives. — Imminent peril of two troopers and 
four foot-soldiers, and their rescue. — Severe treatment 
of the Indian captives. — Singular interview between the 
Cacique Naguatex and Moscoso. — The Spaniards per- 
plexed by a phenomenon, . . . .373 



CONTENTS. 



xxi 



CHAPTERS 

LXXX. 



LXXXI. 



LXXXII. 



LXXXIII. 



LXXXIV. 



LXXXV. 



LXXXVI. 

LXXXVII. 

LXXXVIII. 

LXXXIX. 

XC. 



Vague tidings of Europeans to the West, — Wandering in 
a wilderness. — Treachery of an Indian guide, and his 
fate. — The hunting grounds of the Far West, . . 377 



Feats of individual prowess of the Indians of the Far 
West, 

The Spaniards come in sight of high mountains to the 
west. — Exploring parties sent out to discover the coun- 
try : — the report they bring back. — Moscoso calls a 
council of his officers — then* determination, 



381 



384 



Harassing march of the Spaniards, 
misadventure, 



-The trooper : — his 



388 



Francisco, the Genoese, with several of his comrades he 
in ambush to entrap some of the natives. — The severe 
skirmish they have with an Indian, and the result, . 391 

They pass through the province of Chaguate, and Mos- 
coso dispatches a party of twelve troopers after Diego 
de Guzman. — Sufferings of the army. — Their arrival at 
the province of Anilco, and their despondency. — 
Cheered up by news of the fertile country of Ami- 
noya. — Afiasco dispatched to that province — and what 
he found there, . . , . . 394 

The Spaniards arrive at Aminoya. — Commence building 
brigantines. — Quarrel between the Cacique Guachoya 
and the Captain-General of Anilco. — Singular chaUenge 
of the latter, ...... 399 

The league of the Caciques against the Spaniards. — Gon- 
zalo Silvestre roughly handles an Indian. — How the de- 
signs of the hostile Caciques were frustrated, . 405 

The Caciques of the League again prepare to attack the 
Spaniards. — An Indian spy. — A plot detected, . 409 

Final preparations of Moscoso and his followers, . 412 

Embarkation of the Spaniards upon the Mississippi. — A 
grand and concerted attack, by a large fleet of canoes ; 
and how the Spaniards fared. — Gonzalo Silvestre sent 
on shore, with a detachment of men, for provisions. — 
Loss of their horses, . . . . .415 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTERS PAGE 

XCI. Continuation of the voyage down the Mississippi. — The 
fool-hardy exploit of Estevan Anez. — The feat of Pedro 
Moron, the half-breed. — Uncertain fate of De Guzman, 421 
XCII. The Spaniards reach the Ocean. — Disembark on an island 
of driftwood. — Fierce encounter with the natives of the 
coast. — They anchor off an uninhabited island, . 425 

XCIII. A council of officers called to determine upon their future 
course. — They set sail. — Aiiasco prevails upon them to 
follow his advice, ..... 428 

XCIV. Vessels in danger of stranding. — Come to some small 
islands, where they repair the brigantines — Overtaken 
by a violent gale, and two caravels driven to sea. — 
Mutiny of Juan Gaytan's crew, . . .432 

XCV. Expedition of Gonzalo Silvestre, to obtain information 
about the country. — "What happened to Moscoso and 
the rest of the fleet. — How the Spaniards were received 
by the inhabitants of Panuco, .... 437 

XCVI. Discontents and broils among the soldiery. — Their subse- 
quent fortunes, ..... 441 

XCVII. The voyages of Maldonado and Gomez Arias, in search of 

De Soto. — Death of Dona Isabel de Bobadilla, . 445 



CONOUEST OP FLORIDA 



• ■<» e - 



CHAPTER I. 

FIRST DISCOVERY OF FLORIDA. 

Never was the spirit of wild adventure more universally diffused 
than at the dawn of the sixteenth century. The wondrous dis- 
coveries of Columbus and his hardy companions and followers, 
the descriptions of the beautiful summer isles of the west, and 
the tales of unexplored regions of wealth locked up in unbounded 
wildernesses, had an effect upon the imaginations of the young 
and the adventurous, not unlike the preaching of the chivalric 
crusades for the recovery of the Holy Sepulchre. The gallant 
knight, the servile retainer, the soldier of fortune, the hooded 
friar, the painstaking mechanic, the toilful husbandman, the loose 
profligate, and the hardy mariner, all were touched with the per- 
vading passion, all left home, country, friends, wives, children, 
loves, to seek some imaginary Eldorado, confidently expecting to 
return with countless treasure. 

Of ail the enterprises undertaken in this spirit of daring ad- 
venture, none has surpassed for hardihood and variety of incident 



24 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



that of the renowned Hernando de Soto and his band of cavaliers. 
It was poetry put in action ; it was the knight-errantry of the 
old world carried into the depths of the American wilderness ; 
indeed, the personal adventures, the feats of individual prowess, 
the picturesque descriptions of steel-clad cavaliers, with lance 
and helm and prancing steed, glittering through the wildernesses 
of Florida, Georgia, Alabama, and the prairies of the Far West, 
would seem to us mere fictions of romance, did they not come to 
us recorded in matter of fact narratives of contemporaries, and 
corroborated by minute and daily memoranda of eye-witnesses. 

Before we enter, however, upon the stirring and eventful 
story of the fortunes of De Soto and his followers, it is proper to 
notice briefly the discovery of the land which was the scene of 
his adventures, and the various expeditions to it which stimulated 
him to his great enterprise. 

Those who are conversant with the history of the Spanish 
discoveries will remember the chimerical cruise of the brave old 
governor of Porto Rico, Ponce de Leon, in search of the Foun- 
tain of Youth. This fabled fountain, according to Indian tra- 
dition, existed in one of the Bahama Islands. Ponce de Leon 
sought after it in vain, but in the course of his cruisings discov- 
ered a country of vast and unknown extent, to which, from the 
abundance of flowers, and from its being first seen on Palm Sun- 
day (Pascua Florida), he gave the name of Florida. 

Obtaining permission from the Spanish government to subju- 
gate and govern this country, he made a second voyage to its 
shores, but was mortally wounded in a conflict with the natives. 
Such was the fate of the first adventurer into the wild regions of 
Florida, and he really seems to have bequeathed his ill fortune 
to his successors. 



LUCAS VASQUEZ DE AYLLON'S EXPEDITION. 25 



A few years after his defeat a captain of a caravel, named 
Diego Miruelo, was driven to the coast of Florida by stress of 
weather, where he obtained a small quantity of silver and gold 
in traffic from the natives. With this he returned well pleased 
to San Domingo, spreading the fame of the country he had visit- 
ed. About the same time a company of seven wealthy men of 
San Domingo, concerned in gold mines, at the head of which was 
the licentiate Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon, auditor and judge of 
appeals of that island, fitted out two vessels to cruise among the 
islands and entrap Indians to work in the mines. In the course 
of this righteous cruise the vessels were driven by stress of wea- 
ther to a cape on the east coast, to which they gave the name of 
St. Helena. The country in the neighborhood was called Chico- 
rea, and is the same now called South Carolina. Here they 
anchored at the mouth of a river which they called the Jordan, 
after the name of the sea-captain who discovered it. It is the 
same now known by its Indian appellation, the Cambahee.* The 
natives hastened to the shores at sight of the ships, which 
they mistook for huge sea-monsters ; but, when they beheld men 
issue from them, with white complexions and beards, and clad in 
raiment and shining armor, they fled in terror. 

The Spaniards soon dispelled their fears, and a friendly inter- 
course took place. The poor Indians were kind and hospitable, 
brought provisions to the ships, and made the strangers presents 
of marten skins, pearls, and a small quantity of gold and silver. 

* We follow the general opinion, strengthened by the circumstance that 
the neighboring Sound and Island are still called by the name of St. Helena. 
Herrera places Cape St. Helena and the river Jordan in the thirty-second 
degree of latitude, which is that of Savannah river. — Vide Herrera, D. ii. lib. 
x. c. 6. 



26 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



The Spaniards gave them trinkets in return, and, having com 
pleted their supplies of wood and water and provisions, invited 
their savage friends on board of the ships. The Indians eagerly 
accepted the invitation. They thronged the vessels, gazing with 
wonder at every thing around them ; hut when a sufficient num- 
ber were below the decks, the Spaniards perfidiously closed the 
hatches upon them, and, weighing anchor, made sail for San 
Domingo. One of the ships was lost in the course of the voyage, 
the other arrived safe, but the Indians on board of her remained 
sullen and gloomy, and refused food, so that most of them perish- 
ed of famine and melancholy.* 

The reports, however, brought back by the kidnappers, of the 
country they had visited, as well as the specimens of gold and 
silver brought home about the same time by Diego Miruelo, 
roused the cupidity and ambition of the auditor Lucas Vasquez 
de Ayllon. Being shortly afterwards in Spain, he obtained from 
the Emperor Charles V. permission to conquer and govern the 
newly-discovered province of Chicorea. With this permission he 
returned to San Domingo, and fitted out an armament of three 
large vessels, embarking personally in the enterprise. 

Diego Miruelo persuaded him first to steer in quest of the 
country he had visited, and which he represented as much richer 
than Chicorea. He accompanied the expedition as pilot, but 
having, with a negligence unworthy of a practised mariner, neg- 
lected in his first visit to take an observation, he was unable to 
find the place at which he had formerly landed, and was so much 
mortified by the ridicule and reproaches of his employers, that he 
fell into a profound melancholy, lost his senses, and died in the 
course of a few days. 

* Hist, Florida, por el Inca, L. i. c. 2. Herrera, D. ii. L. x. c. 6. 



EXPEDITION" OF LUCAS VASQUEZ DE AYLLOK 27 



Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon now prosecuted his voyage to the 
eastward in search of Chicorea. Arriving in the river Jordan 
(or Cambahee), the scene of perfidy in the preceding voyage, his 
principal ship stranded and was lost. With the remaining two 
lie passed further to the eastward, and landed on a coast adjoin- 
ing Chicorea, in a gentle and pleasant region. Here he was so 
well received that he considered the country already under his 
dominion, and permitted two hundred of his men to visit the 
principal village, about three leagues in the interior, while he 
remained with a small force to guard the ships. 

The inhabitants of the village entertained these visitors with 
feasting and rejoicing for three days, until, having put them com- 
pletely off their guard, they rose upon them in the night and 
massacred every soul. They then repaired by daybreak to the 
harbor, and surprised Vasquez de Ayllon and his handful of 
guards. The few who survived escaped wounded and dismayed 
to their ships, and making all sail from the fated coast, hastened 
back to San Domingo. According to some accounts Ayllon re- 
mained among the slain on the coast he sought to subjugate, but 
others assert that he returned wounded to San Domingo, where 
the humiliation of his defeat, and the ruin of his fortunes, con- 
spired with his bodily ills to hurry him broken-hearted to the 
grave. Thus signally did the natives of Chicorea revenge the 
wrongs of their people who had been so perfidiously kidnapped.* 

* Hist Florida, por el Inca, L. i. c. 2. Herrera, D. ii. L. x. c. 6. Idem. D. 
iii. lib. viii. c. 8. Peter Martyr, D. vii c. 11. Heylyns Cosmograpbie, L. iv. p. 
100. Lond. Ed. 1669. 



CHAPTER II. 

THE EXPEDITION OF PAMPHILO DE NARVAEZ. 

A cavalier of greater note was the next who aspired to sub- 
jugate the unknown realms of Florida, This was the brave but 
ill-starred Pamphilo de Narvaez, the same who had attempted to 
arrest Hernando Cortes in his conquering career against Mexico, 
in which attempt he was defeated in battle, and lost an eye. 
Narvaez possessed favor at court, and was enabled to fit out a 
considerable armament for his new enterprise. He was invested 
by the Emperor Charles V. with the title of Adelantado, or mili- 
tary governor of the country, he expected to subdue and occupy, 
which was that part of Florida extending from its extreme cape 
to the river of Palms. In this expedition he trusted to wipe off 
the disgrace of his late defeat, and even to acquire laurels which 
might vie with those of Cortes. 

On the 12th of April, 1528, Narvaez anchored at the mouth 
of an open bay on the eastern coast of Florida, with a squadron 
of four barks and a brigantine. Here he landed his forces, 
consisting of four hundred men and forty-five horses ; having lost 
many of his men by desertion in the West India islands, and 
several of his horses in a storm. 



ARRIVAL OF KARVAEZ'S EXPEDITION". 29 



Erecting the royal standard, he took possession of the conn- 
try for the crown of Spain, with no opposition from the natives. 
After having explored the vicinity, Narvaez determined to pene- 
trate the country in a northward direction, hoping to discover 
some great empire like that of Mexico or Pern. In the mean 
time, the ships were to proceed along the coast in quest of some 
convenient harbor, where they were either to await his arrival, or 
to steer for Havana and return with supplies for the army.* 

This plan was strongly opposed by the treasurer of the ex- 
pedition, one Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, a prudent and 
sagacious man. He represented the danger of plunging into 
an unknown wilderness without knowing a word of the language, 
and advised, rather, that they should continue on in their ships, 
until they found a secure harbor and a fertile country, from 
whence they might make incursions into the interior. 

This sound advice was slighted by Narvaez and his adventu- 
rous companions, whose imaginations were inflamed with the idea 
of inland conquest. The squadron, accordingly, set sail to the 
northward ; and Narvaez and his troops set out by land in the 
same direction, accompanied by the faithful Alvar Nunez ; who, 
since he could not dissuade his commander from his desperate 
career, resolved to share his fate. 

The force which proceeded by land consisted of three hun- 
dred men, forty of whom were mounted on horses. The allow- 
ance to each man consisted of two pounds of biscuit and half a 
pound of bacon. For the first few days they met with fields of 
maize, and villages containing provisions. Here, however, they 
outraged the feelings of the natives by rifling and laying waste 
their sepulchres, mistaking them for idolatrous temples. They 

* Herrera, Decad. iv. L. iv. c. 4. 



30 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



afterwards journeyed many days through desert solitudes with- 
out house or inhabitant, suffering greatly from want of food, 
They crossed rapid rivers on rafts or by* swimming, continually 
exposed to the assaults of hordes of lurking savages ; they 
traversed swamps and forests, making their way with great dif- 
ficulty through matted thickets and over fallen trees, and suffer- 
ing every variety of misery and hardship. 

Still they were cheered onward by the assurances of certain 
captives who served as guides, that at some distance ahead lay a 
vast province called Apalachee, extremely fertile, and abounding 
in the gold they so eagerly sought after. 

At length they arrived in sight of the place which gave its 
name to this long desired province. Narvaez had pictured it to 
himself a second Mexico, and was chagrined at finding it a mere 
village of two hundred and forty houses. Alvar Nunez was sent 
forward to take possession of it, which he did without opposition, 
the men having all fled to the woods. 

The Spaniards remained twenty-five days in the village, 
exploring the neighboring country, and subsisting upon the pro- 
visions they found in the place. During this time they were 
harassed, day and night, by the natives of the province, who were 
an exceedingly warlike people. They were disappointed in their 
hopes of finding gold, and discouraged by the accounts given 
them of the country further on. They were told, however, that 
by shaping their course to the southward, towards the sea, they 
would, after nine days' journey, come to the village of Aute, 
where there was maize and vegetables and fish in abundance, and 
where the natives were of a friendly disposition. 

Towards Aute, therefore, did they turn their steps, more 
eager now for food than for gold. The journey was perilous and 



DIFFICULTIES ENCOUNTERED 31 



full of disaster. They had to cross deep lagoons and dismal 
swamps, with the water often np to their breasts, their passage 
obstructed by rotten trees, and beset by hordes of savages. 
These appeared to the disheartened Spaniards of gigantic 
height ; they had bows of enormous size, from which they 
discharged arrows with such force as to penetrate armor at the 
distance of two hundred yards. At length, after incredible 
hardships, and with the loss of many men and horses, they 
arrived at the village of Aute. # The natives abandoned and 
burnt their houses on the approach of the invaders, but they left 
behind a quantity of maize, with which the Spaniards appeased 
their hunger. 

A day's march beyond the village brought them to a river, 
which gradually expanded into a large road, or arm of the sea. 
Here they came to a pause in their adventurous career, and held 
a consultation as to their future movements. Their hopes of 
wealth and conquest were at an end. Nearly a third of their 
original number had perished ; while of the survivors a great 
majority were ill, and disease was daily spreading among them. 
To attempt to retrace their steps, or to proceed along the coast 
in search of the fleet, would be to hazard all their lives. At 
length it was suggested that they should construct small 
barks, launch them upon the deep, and keep along the coast 
until they should find their ships. It was a forlorn hope, but 
they caught at it like desperate men. They accordingly set to 
work with great eagerness. One of them constructed a pair of 
bellows out of deer-skins, furnishing it with a wooden pipe. 
Others made charcoal and a forge. By the aid of these they 
soon turned their stirrups, spurs, crossbows, and other articles 

* Supposed to be on what is now called the Bay of St. Marks. 



32 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



of iron, into nails, saws, and hatchets. The tails and manes of 
the horses, twisted with the fibres of the palm-tree, served for 
rigging ; their shirts, cut open and sewed together, furnished 
sails ; the fibrous part of the palm-tree, also, was used as oakum ; 
the resin of the pine-trees for tar ; the skins of horses were 
made into vessels to contain fresh water ; and a quantity of 
maize was won by hard fighting from the neighboring natives. 
A horse was killed every three days for provisions for the labor- 
ing hands and the sick. Having at length by great exertions 
completed five frail barks, they embarked on the 22d of Septem- 
ber, from forty to fifty persons being in each ; but so closely 
crowded were they, that there was scarcely room to move, while 
the gunwale of the boats was forced down by their weight to the 
water's edge. 

Setting sail from this bay, which they called the Bay of 
Caballos, they continued on for several days to an island where 
they secured five canoes that had been deserted by the Indians. 
These being attached to their barks, enabled them to sail with 
greater comfort. They passed through the strait between the 
island and the mainland, which they called the Strait of San 
Miguel, and sailed onward for many days, enduring all the 
torments of hunger and parching thirst : the skins which con- 
tained their fresh water having burst, some, driven to despera- 
tion, drank salt water, and died miserably. Their sufferings 
were aggravated by a fearful storm. At length they approached 
a more populous and fertile part of the coast, upon which they 
landed occasionally to procure provisions, and were immediately 
involved in bloody affrays with the natives. Thus harassed 
by sea and land, famishing with hunger, their barks shattered 
and scarcely manageable, these unfortunate wanderers lost all 



[NARVAEZ PERISHES AT SEA. 33 



presence of mind, and became wild and desperate. They were 
again driven out to sea, and scattered during a stormy night. 
At daybreak three of these tempest-tossed barks rejoined each 
other. In one, which was the best manned and the best sailer, 
was Pamphilo de Narvaez. Alvar Nunez, who had command of 
another, seeing the Adelantado making for the land, called upon 
him for aid. Narvaez replied that it was no longer time to help 
others, but that every one must take care of himself. He then 
made for the shore, and abandoned Alvar Nunez to make the 
best of his way with the other bark. 

After wandering along the coast in his bark for many days, 
Narvaez anchored one night off the land. All his crew had gone 
■on shore for provisions, excepting one sailor and a page who was 
sick. A violent gale sprang up from the north, and the vessel, 
in which was neither food nor water, was driven out to sea, and 
•no tidings ever heard of her after. Thus perished the ill-fated 
Pamphilo de Narvaez. 

The only survivors of this disastrous expedition were Alvar 
Nunez Cabeza de Yaca, and four of his companions. After the 
most singular and unparalleled hardships, they traversed the 
northern parts of Florida, crossed the Mississippi, and the desert 
and mountainous regions on the confines of Texas and the Rocky 
Monntains, passing from tribe to tribe of Indians, oftentimes as 
slaves, until at the end of several years they succeeded in reach- 
ing the Spanish settlement of Compostella. From thence Alvar 
Nunez proceeded to Mexico, and ultimately arrived at Lisbon in 
1537 ; nearly ten years after his embarkation with Pamphilo de 
Narvaez.* 

* This chapter is chiefly taken from the " Naufragios de Alvar Nunez 
Cabeza de Vaca," with occasional references to Herrera. 



CHAPTER III. 

HERNANDO DE SOTO— HIS BIRTH— ADVENTURES IN PERU— FITS 
OUT AN ARMAMENT FOR FLORIDA— TOUCHES AT THE CANARY 
ISLANDS ARRIVAL AT CUBA. 

One would have thought that after the melancholy result of 
these sad enterprises, and others of less note, but equally unfor- 
tunate, the coast of Florida would have been avoided as a fated 
land. The Spanish discoverers, however, were not to be deterred 
by difficulties and clangers, and the accounts rendered of the. vast 
extent of this unknown country, and of opulent regions in its in- 
terior, served to prompt to still bolder and more costly enter- 

prises. 

It is proper to note that the Spaniards, at this period, had a 
very vague idea of the country called Florida, and by no means 
limited it to its present boundaries. They knew something of 
the maritime border of the peninsula, but Florida, according to 
their notions, extended far beyond, having the confines of Mexico 
in one direction, the banks of Newfoundland in another, and ex- 
panding into a vast Terra Incognita to the north. 

The accounts brought to Europe by Alvar Nunez, of the ex- 
pedition of Pamphilo de Narvaez, contributed to promote this 



BIRTH OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 35 



idea. It was supposed that this unfortunate cavalier, in his ex- 
tensive march, had but skirted the borders of immense internal 
empires, which might rival in opulence and barbaric splendor the 
recently discovered kingdoms of Mexico and Peru; and there 
was not wanting a bold and ambitious spirit to grasp immediately 
at the palm of conquest. 

The candidate that now presented himself for the subjugation 
of Florida, was Hernando de Soto, and as his expedition is the 
subject of the succeeding pages, it is proper to introduce him 
particularly to the reader. Hernando de Soto was born about 
the year 1501, in Villa nueva de Barcarota,* and was of the old 
Spanish hidalguia, or gentry, for we are assured by one of his 
biographers that " he was a gentleman by all four descents ;" that 
is to say, the parents both of his father and mother were of gentle 
blood ; a pedigree which, according to the rules of Spanish herald- 
ry, entitled him to admission into the noble order of Santiago. 

Whatever might be the dignity of his descent, however, he be- 
gan his career a mere soldier of fortune. All his estate, says his 
Portuguese historian, was but a sword and buckler. He accom- 
panied Pedrarias Davila,f when he went to America to assume 
the command of Terra Firma. The merits of De Soto soon gain- 
ed him favor in the eye of Pedrarias, who gave him command of a 
troop of horse : with these he followed Pizarro in his conquering 
expedition into Peru. Here he soon signalized himself by a rare 
combination of prudence and valor : he was excellent in council, 
yet foremost in every perilous exploit ; not recklessly seeking 

* The Portuguese narrator assigns Xeres de Badajos as the "birthplace of 
De Soto ; we follow, however, the authority of the Inca Garselasso de la 
Vega. Herrera (Hist. Ind. Dec. vi. L. vii. c. 9,) agrees with the Inca. 

f Properly written Pedro Arias de A Vila. 

2* 



36 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA, 



danger for clanger's sake, or through a vain thirst for notoriety, 
but bravely putting every thing at hazard where any important 
point was to be gained by intrepidity. 

Pizarro soon singled him out from the hardy spirits around 
him, and appointed him his lieuteuant.* Was there a service of 
especial danger to be performed — De Soto had it in charge : was 
there an enterprise requiring sound judgment and fearless daring 
— De Soto was sure to be called upon. A master at all weapons, 
and a complete horseman, his prowess and adroitness were the 
admiration of the Spanish soldiery. They declared that his lance 
alone was equal to any ten in the army : and that in the manage- 
ment of this chivalrous weapon, he was second only to Pizarro. 

He was sent by that commander on the first embassy to the 
renowned and ill-fated Inca Atahualpa, whose subjects, we are 
told, were filled with surprise and admiration on beholding his 
wonderful feats of horsemanship.! 

He afterwards commanded one of the squadrons of horse that 
captured this unfortunate Inca and routed his army of warriors.^ 
He led the way with a band of seventy horsemen, to the disco- 
very and subjugation of the great province of Cusco, in which he 
distinguished himself by the most daring and romantic achieve- 

* Herrera, Hist Ind., Decad. v. L. ii. c. 2. 

f Herrera, Hist. Ind., Decad. v. L. iii c. 10, says, Hernando de Soto sprang 
upon his horse, and aware that the eyes of the Inca were upon him. he made 
his steed curvet, caracole and leap, and striking in his spurs dashed up so near 
to the savage prince that he felt the very breath of the snorting animal. The 
haughty Inca was as serene and unmoved as if he had been accustomed all 
his life to the charge of a horse. Many of the Indians, however, fled in ter- 
ror. Atahualpa immediately ordered the fugitives to appear before him, and 
sternly reprehending them with their cowardice, ordered them all to be put to 
death for having behaved so dastardly in his royal presence. 

i Vega, Com. de Peru, L. L c. 21. Herrera. D. v. L. ii. c 11. 



DE SOTO'S ADVENTURES IN PERU. 87 



merits.* We might trace him throughout the whole history of 
the Peruvian conquest by a series of perilous encounters and mar- 
vellous escapes, but our purpose is only to state briefly the cir- 
cumstances which directed his ambition into the career of con- 
quest, and which elevated him to the notice of his sovereign, and 
of all contemporary cavaliers of enterprising spirit. 

Hernando de Soto returned to Spain enriched by the spoils of 
the new world : his share of the treasures of Atahualpa having 
amounted, it is said, to the enormous sum of a hundred and eighty 
thousand crowns of gold. He now assumed great state and equip- 
age, and appeared at the court of the Emperor Charles V., at 
Valladolid, in magnificent style, having his steward, his major- 
domo, his master of the horse, his pages, lackeys, and all the 
other household officers that in those ostentatious days swelled 
the retinue of a Spanish nobleman. He was accompanied by a 
knot of brave cavaliers, all evidently bent on pushing their for- 
tunes at court. Some of them had been his brothers in arms in 
the conquest of Peru, and had returned with their purses well 
filled with Peruvian gold, which they expended in soldierlike 
-style, on horses, arms, and " rich array." Two or three of them 
deserve particular notice, as they will be found to figure conspi- 
cuously in the course of this narrative, Xuno Tobar, a native of 
Xeres de Badajos, was a }'oung cavalier of gallant bearing, great 
valor, and romantic generosity. Another, Luis de 3Ioscoso de 
Alvorado, likewise of Xeres, had signalized himself in his cam- 
paigns in the new world. A third, Juan de Anasco, was a native 
of Seville. He had not been in Peru, but was not inferior to the 
others in bravery of spirit, while he was noted for his nautical 
skill and his knowledge of cosmography and astronomy. 

* Herrera, Dec. v. L. iv. c. x ., and Lib. v. c. 2. 3. 



38 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



The world was at that time resounding with the recent con- 
quest of Peru. The appearance at court of one of the conquer- 
ors, thus brilliantly attended, could not fail to attract attention, 
The personal qualifications of De Soto corresponded with his 
fame. He was in the prime of manhood, being about thirty-six 
years of age, of a commanding height, above the middle size, and 
a dark, animated, and expressive countenance. With such ad- 
vantages, of person and reputation, he soon succeeded in gaining 
the affections and the hand of a lady of distinguished rank and 
merit, Isabella de Bobadilla. daughter to Pedrarias Davila, Count 
of Puiio en Kostro. This marriage, connecting him with a pow- 
erful family, had a great effect in strengthening his influence at 
court.* 

De Soto might now have purchased estates, and passed the 
remainder of his days opulently and honorably in his native 
land, in the bosom of his connections, but he was excited by the 
remembrance of past adventures, and eager for further dis- 
tinction. Just at this juncture, Alvar Nuno Cabeza de Yaca 
returned to Spain with tidings of the fate of Pamphilo de Nar- 
vaez and his followers. His tale, it is true, was one of hardships 
and disasters, but it turned the thoughts of adventurous men to 
the vast and unknown interior of Florida, It is said that Alvar 
Nunez observed some reserve and mystery in his replies when 
questioned, as to whether they had found any riches in the 
country they had visited ; that he talked of asking permission of 
the crown to return there and prosecute the discovery, and that 
he had even sworn his fellow survivors to secrecy as to what 
they had seen, lest others should be induced to interfere with his 
prospects, f 

* Portuguese Narrative, c 1. f Portuguese Narrative, c. 2. 



EXPEDITION AGAINST FLORIDA. 39 



The imagination of De Soto took fire from what he gathered 
of the narrative of Alvar Nunez. He doubted not there existed 
in the interior of Florida some regions of wealth, equalling, if 
not exceeding, Mexico and Peru. He had hitherto only followed 
in the course of conquest ; an opportunity now presented of 
rivalling the fame of Cortes and Pizarro ; his reputation, his 
wealth, his past services, and his marriage connections — all gave 
him the means of securing the chance before him. In the mag- 
nificent spirit of a Spanish cavalier, he asked permission of the 
Emperor to undertake the conquest of Florida at his own expense 
and risk. 

His prayer was readily granted. The Emperor conferred on 
him in advance, the title of Adelantado, which combines military 
and civil command, and granted him moreover a marquisite, 
with an estate of thirty leagues in length and fifteen in breadth, 
in any part of the country he might discover. He likewise cre- 
ated him governor and captain-general for life, of Florida, as 
well as of the Island of Cuba. The command of this island had 
been annexed at the especial request of De Soto, as he knew it 
would be important to have the complete control of it, to fit out 
and supply armaments for the meditated conquest. 

No sooner was he thus gratified in his wishes, than he pro- 
vided for the brothers in arms who had accompanied him to 
court. Nufio de Tobar he appointed his lieutenant-general, 
for which post he was well qualified by his great valor and his 
popular qualities. Luis de Moscoso de Alvarado he made camp- 
master-general, and he procured for Juan de Anasco the ap- 
pointment of Contador, or royal accountant, whose duty it was 
to take account of all the treasures gained in the expedition, and 
to set apart one fifth for the crown. 



40 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



De Soto would likewise have engaged Alvar Nunez Cabeza 
de Vaca to accompany him, and offered him highly advantageous 
terms, which he was at first inclined to accept, but subsequently 
refused, being unwilling to march under the command of another 
in an enterprise in which he had aspired to take the lead. He 
afterwards obtained from the Emperor the government of Rio de 
la Plata.* 

But though Alvar Nunez declined to embark in the enter- 
prise, his representations of the country induced two of his kins- 
men to offer their services. One of them, a brave and hearty 
cavalier, named Balthazar de G-allegos, was so eager for the expe- 
dition that he sold his houses, vineyards and cornfields, and four- 
score and ten acres of olive orchards, in the neighborhood of Se- 
ville, and determined to take his wife with him to the new world. 
De Soto was so well pleased with his zeal, that he made him Al- 
guazil Mayor. The other kinsman of Alvar Nunez was named 
Christopher Spinola, a gentleman of Genoa, to whom De Soto 
gave the command of seventy halberdiers of his body-guard. 

It was soon promulgated throughout Spain that Hernando de 
Soto, one of the conquerors of Peru, was about to set out on the 
conquest of the great empire of Florida, an unknown country, 
equal if not superior in wealth and splendor to any of the 
golden empires of the new world, and that he was to do it at his 
own expense, with the riches gained in his previous conquests. 

This was enough to draw to his standard adventurers of all 
kinds and classes. Cavaliers of noble birth, soldiers of fortune 
who had served in various parts of the world, private citizens and 
peaceful artisans, all abandoned their homes and families, sold 

* Portuguese Narrative, c. 4. 



ARRIVAL OF PORTUGUESE HIDALGOS. 41 



their effects, and offered themselves and their resources for this 
new conquest. 

A striking account is given us of the arrival of a party of 
these volunteers. As De Soto was one day in the gallery of his 
house at Seville, he saw a brilliant band of cavaliers enter the 
court-yard, and hastened to the foot of the stairs to receive them. 
They were Portuguese hidalgos, led by Andres de Yasconcelos ; 
several of them had served in the wars with the Moors on the 
African frontiers, and they had come to volunteer their services. 
De Soto joyfully accepted their offer. He detained them to sup- 
per, and ordered his Steward to provide quarters for them in his 
neighborhood. A muster being called of all the troops, the 
Spaniards appeared in splendid and showy attire, with silken 
doublets and cassocks pinked and embroidered. The Portu- 
guese, on the contrary, came in soldierlike style, in complete 
armor. De Soto was vexed at the unseasonable ostentation of 
his countrymen, and ordered another review in which all should 
appear armed. Here the Portuguese again came admirably 
equipped, while the Spaniards, who had been so gaudy in their 
silken dresses, made but a sorry show as soldiers, having old 
rusty coats of mail, battered head-pieces, and indifferent lances. 
The general, it is said, marked his preference of the Portuguese, 
by placing them near his standard. It must be observed, how- 
ever, that this account is given by a Portuguese historian, who 
naturally is disposed to give his countrymen the advantage of 
the Spaniards. Other accounts speak generally of the excellent 
equipments of all the forces. 

In little more than a year from the time of the first procla- 
mation of this enterprise, nine hundred and fifty Spaniards of all 
degrees had assembled in the port of San Lucar de Barrameda, 



42 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



to embark in the expedition.* Never had a more gallant and 
brilliant body of men offered themselves for the new world. 
Scarcely one among them had gray hairs, all were young and 
vigorous, and fitted for the toils and hardships and dangers of 
so adventurous an undertaking. 

De Soto was munificent in his proffers of pecuniary assist- 
ance to aid the cavaliers in fitting themselves out according to 
their rank and station. Many were compelled, through neces- 
sity, to accept of his offers ; others, who had means, generously 
declined them, deeming it more proper that they should assist, 
than accept aid from him : many young cavaliers came equipped 
in splendid style, with rich armor, costly dresses, and a train 
of domestics. Indeed, some young men of quality had spent a 
great part of their substance in this manner. 

Nuno Tobar, Luis de Moscoso, and several other cavaliers, 
who had distinguished themselves in the conquest of Peru, ex- 
pended the greater part of their spoils in sumptuous equipments. 
Beside the cavaliers already specified, we may mention three 
brothers, relatives of the governor, who accompanied him ; Arias 
Tinoco and Alonzo Romo cle Cardenosa, both captains of in- 
fantry, and Diego Arias Tinoco, who was standard-bearer to the 
army. 

There were also enlisted in the enterprise twelve priests, 
eight clergymen of inferior rank, and four monks ; most of them 
relatives of the superior officers : for, in all the Spanish expedi- 
tions to the new world, the conversion of the heathen was not lost 
sight of in the rage for conquest. 

* The Portuguese narrator gives six hundred as the number of men as- 
sembled, but we follow the Iuca Garcilaso de la Vega, whose authority is 
corroborated by Herrera and others. 



DE SOTO VISITS THE CANARY ISLANDS. 



This brilliant armament embarked at San Lucar de Barra- 
nieda, on the sixth of April, 1538, in seven large and three 
small vessels In the largest, called the San Ohristoval, which 
was of eight hundred tons, embarked the governor, with his wife 
Dona Isabel cle Bobadilla, and all his family and retinue. They 
set sail in company with a fleet of twenty-six sail bound to 
Mexico,* and with great sound of trumpets and thunder of artil- 
lery. The armament of De Soto was so bountifully supplied 
with naval stores, that each man was allowed double rations. 
This led to useless waste ; but the governor was of a magnificent 
spirit, and so elated at finding in his train such noble and gallant 
cavaliers, that he thought he could not do enough to honor and 
gratify them. 

On the twenty-first of April, the fleet arrived at Gomera, one 
of the Canary Islands. Here they were received with great 
parade and courtesy by the governor, who bore the title of 
Count de Gomera. The count seems to have been a gay and 
luxurious cavalier, with somewhat of an amatory complexion, his 
domestic establishment being graced by several natural daughters. 
When he came forth to receive his guests he was dressed in 
white from head to foot, hat, cloak, doublet, breeches and shoes ; 
so that, according to the old Portuguese narrative, he looked not 
unlike a captain of a gang of gipsies. During three days that 
the fleet remained in the port, he entertained his guests in jovial 
style, with feastings and rejoicings. 

Among his daughters was one named Leonora de Bobadilla, 
who particularly attracted the notice of the youthful cavaliers. 
She was not more than seventeen years of age, and extremely 
beautiful. De Soto was so pleased and interested with her ap- 

* Portuguese Narrative, c. 4, 



44 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



pearance and manners, that he entreated the count to permit her 
to accompany his wife, Dona Isabel de Bobadilla, who would 
cherish her as her own daughter ; intimating that he would 
procure an advantageous match for her among the noble cava- 
liers of his army, and advance her to rank and fortune in the 
country he should conquer. 

The Count de Gromera, knowing the munificence of De Soto, 
and that he would be disposed to perform even more than he 
promised, confided his daughter to his care, and to the maternal 
protection of his high-minded and virtuous wife. 

On the twenty-fourth April the fleet again set sail. The 
voyage was fair and prosperous, and about the last of May they 
arrived in the harbor of the city of Santiago de Cuba, 



CHAPTER IV. 

REJOICINGS OF THE INHABITANTS OF CUBA ON THE ARRIVAL OF 

DE SOTO. DEPOSITION OF NUNO TOBAR. DON VASCO POR- 

CALLO DE FIGUEROA, APPOINTED LIEUTENANT-GENERAL OF 
THE FORCES. 

The arrival of the new governor with so important an arma- 
ment was an event of great joy throughout the island of Cuba. 
When De Soto landed, the whole city of Santiago turned out 
to receive him. He found a beautiful horse, richly caparisoned, 
waiting for him, and likewise a mule for Donna Isabella ; which 
were furnished by a gentleman of the town. He was escorted 
to his lodgings, by the burghers on horse and on foot, and all 
his officers and men were hospitably entertained by them ; some 
being quartered in the town, and others in their country-houses.* 
For several days it was one continued festival. At night there 
were balls and masquerades ; by day, tilting matches, bull-fights, 
contests of skill in horsemanship, running at the ring, and 
other amusements of a chivalrous nature. 

The young cavaliers of the army vied with each other, and 
with the youth of the city, in the gallantry of their equipments, 
the elegance and novelty of their devices, and the wit and in- 
genuity of their mottoes. What gave peculiar splendor to 

* Portuguese Relation, c. 4. 



46 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



these entertainments was the beauty and spirit and excellence 
of the horses. The great demand for these noble animals, for 
the conquests of Mexico and Peru, and other parts, rendered 
the raising of them one of the most profitable sources of 
speculation in the islands. The island of Cuba was naturally 
favorable to them ; and as great care and attention had been 
given to multiply and improve the breed, there was at this 
time an uncommon number, and of remarkably fine qualities. 
Many individuals had from twenty to thirty horses in their 
stables, and some of the rich had twice that number on their 
estates. 

The cavaliers of the army had spared no expense in furnish- 
ing themselves with the most superb and generous steeds for 
their intended expedition. Many individuals possessed three or 
four, caparisoned in the most costly manner ; and the governor 
aided liberally with his purse, such as had not the means of 
equipping themselves in suitable style. 

Thus freshly and magnificently mounted, and arrayed in their 
new dresses and burnished armor, the young cavaliers made a 
brilliant display, and carried off many of the prizes of gold, and 
silver, and silks, and brocades, which were adjudged to those who 
distinguished themselves at these chivalrous games. 

In these, no one carried off the prize more frequently than 
Nuno de Tobar, the lieutenant-general. He was, as has been 
said, a cavalier of high and generous qualities, who had gained 
laurels in the conquest of Peru. He appeared on these occasions 
in sumptuous array, mounted on a superb horse, of a silver gray 
dappled, and was always noted for the gracefulness of his car- 
riage, his noble demeanor, and his admirable address in the man- 
agement of lance and steed. 



VASCO PORCELLO VISITS THE GOVERNOR. 41 



Unfortunately the manly qualifications of Nuno Tobar had 
procured him great favor in the eyes of the beautiful Leonora de 
Bobadilla, the daughter of the Count de Glomera. A secret 
amour was carried on between them, and the virtue of the lady 
was not proof against the solicitations of her lover.* 

The consequences of their unfortunate intercourse were soon 
too apparent to be concealed. De Soto was incensed at what he 
considered an outrage upon his rights as a guardian over the lady, 
and his confidence as a friend. He immediately deposed Nuno 
Tobar from his station as lieutenant-general ; and, though that 
really generous spirited cavalier endeavored to make every repa- 
ration in his power, by marrying the lady, De Soto could never 
afterwards be brought to look upon him with kindness. 

At this time there was on a visit to the governor in the city 
of Santiago, a cavalier, upwards of fifty years of age, named Vasco 
Porcallo de Figueroa. He was of a noble family, and of a brave 
and galliard disposition, having seen much hard fighting in the 
Indies, in Spain and Italy, and distinguished himself on various 
occasions. He now resided in the town of Trinidad in Cuba, 
living opulently and luxuriously upon the wealth he had gained 
in the wars, honored for his exploits, loved for his social qualities, 
and extolled for his hearty hospitality. 

This magnificent cavalier had come to Santiago with a pom- 
pous retinue, to pay his court to the governor, and witness the 
festivities and rejoicings. He passed some days in the city, and 
when he beheld the array of gallant cavaliers and hardy soldiers 
assembled for the enterprise, the splendor of their equipments, 
and the martial style with which they acquitted themselves in 
public, his military spirit again took fire, and forgetting his 

* Portuguese Narrative of Conq. of Florida, c. 7. 



48 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



years, his past toils and troubles, and his present ease and opu- 
lence, he volunteered his services to De Soto, to follow him in 
his anticipated career of conquest. 

A volunteer of such military experience, ample wealth, and 
great influence in the island, was too important not to be received 
with open arms ; the governor immediately made him lieutenant- 
general of the army ; the post from which the gallant but unfor- 
tunate Nuno Tobar had recently been deposed. 

The conduct of Yasco Porcallo showed the policy of this ap- 
pointment. He was so elated with this distinction, that he lav- 
ished his money without stint in purchasing provisions for the 
armada. He was magnificent too in all his appointments, camp 
equipage, armor and equipments, having caught the gay and brag- 
gart spirit of his youthful companions in arms. He carried with 
him a great train of Spanish, Indian and negro servants, and a 
stud of thirty-six horses for his own use ; while, with the open- 
handed liberality for which he was noted, he gave upwards of fifty 
horses as presents to various cavaliers of the army. 

The example of this generous and high-mettled, though some- 
what whimsical old cavalier, had a powerful effect in animating 
the inhabitants of Cuba to promote the success of the expedition, 
and in inducing some of them to enroll themselves among the fol- 
lowers of De Soto.* 

* The Portuguese narrator dryly asserts that Vasco Porcallo engaged in 
the expedition merely with a view to get slaves for his estates in Cuba. This 
narrator, however, is to be distrusted, when he assigns motives to the Spanish 
leaders, for whom he seems to have entertained a national jealousy. I have 
preferred the motives attributed by the Inca, as they seem borne out by facts, 
and by the general conduct of tins veteran Porcallo, whose character is quite 
Spanish and peculiar. Indeed, throughout the whole work of the Inca, his 
rich and copious facts are always in harmony with the characteristics of his 
persons. 



CHAPTER V. 

JUAN BE ANASCO TWICE DISPATCHED TO FLORIDA. HIS NARROW 

ESCAPE AND SAFE RETURN. FINAL PREPARATIONS OF THE 

GOVERNOR. 

For three months the governor made a tour of the island, visit- 
ing the principal towns, appointing officers of justice to rule in 
his absence, purchasing horses, and making other provisions for 
his expedition. Towards the end of August he repaired to Ha- 
vana, where he was afterwards joined by his family and all his 
forces. Here he remained for a time, aiding the inhabitants, out 
of his own fortune, to rebuild their houses and churches, which 
had recently been destroyed by French corsairs. 

While thus occupied he twice dispatched the Contador Juan 
de Anasco, in a brigantine manned with picked sailors, to coast 
the shores of Florida, in quest of some commodious harbor to 
which the expedition might sail direct, and find secure anchorage, 
and a good landing place for the troops. 

Juan de Anasco was well fitted for such a service, combining 
the sailor with the soldier, and possessing some skill in nautical 
science. He was fond, too, of hazardous enterprise, never flinch- 
ing from toils or perils, and was an excellent leader, though some- 
what touchy and choleric. 



50 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



Three months elapsed after his departure on his second voy- 
age, without any tidings of him, and great fears were entertained 
for his safety, when at length his tempest-tossed bark arrived at 
Havana. 

No sooner did Juan de Ailasco and his crew put foot upon 
land, than they threw themselves on their knees, and in this way 
crawled to church to hear mass, in fulfilment of a vow made in an 
hour of great peril. This done, they related all the dangers they 
had passed on sea and land ; having once been in imminent peril 
of foundering, and having passed two months on an uninhabited 
island, subsisting on shell-fish gathered along the beach, and wild- 
fowl knocked down with clubs. 

Anasco, however, had fulfilled the great object of his cruise, 
having found a secure harbor on the coast of Florida. He 
brought with him four of the captured natives, to serve as inter- 
preters and guides. 

All his forces being now assembled in Havana, and the sea- 
son favorable for sailing being at hand, the governor made his 
final arrangements, appointing his wife Dona Isabel de Bobadilla 
to govern the island during his absence, with Juan de Roxas as 
lieutenant-governor, and Francisco de Guzman as his lieutenant, 
in the city of Santiago. These two cavaliers had been in com- 
mand prior to his arrival at the island, and had proved them- 
selves worthy of this great mark of confidence.* 

* The Inca, Lib. i. c. 13. 

f Portuguese Relation, c. vii., Herrera, D. vi. L. vii c. 9. 



CHAPTER VI. 

PONCE MUCH 

AGAINST THE WILL OP THE LATTER. 

While the governor was waiting for a fair wind to embark and 
set sail, a ship was seen hovering off the port, driven thither by 
stress of weather, but evidently endeavoring to keep to sea. 
Three times it was forced to the mouth of the harbor, and as 
often fought its way against contrary winds to the broad ocean, 
as if the greatest anxiety of the crew was to avoid the port. At 
length, after struggling four or five days against tempestuous 
weather, it was compelled to come to anchor in the harbor. 

This ship came from Nombre de Dios, on the Isthmus of 
Panama, and this was the story of its singular conduct. On 
board it was Hernan Ponce, an old comrade of Hernando De 
Soto. They had sought their fortunes together in Peru, and 
when De Soto had left that country for a time to visit Spain, he 
entered into articles of partnership, or brotherhood, as it was 
called, with Hernan Ponce, as was frequently done by the Span- 
ish discoverers and soldiers of fortune in the new world. By 
these articles they bound themselves, during their lives, to an 
equal participation of gains and losses, and of all things, whether 
of honor or profit. 



52 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



After the departure of De Soto for Spain, Hernan Ponce had 
amassed much wealth, and had recovered several debts which 
De Soto had left with him to be collected. Having turned all 
his property into gold and silver, and jewels and precious stones, 
he embarked for Spain, but, at the port of embarkation, heard of 
the new enterprise of his old companion De Soto, and that he 
was at Havana with a great and expensive armament for the con- 
quest of Florida. 

Hernan Ponce had no ambition of joining in the conquest ; 
and feared that De Soto, having expended all his own wealth 
upon his outfits, would claim his right of partnership and seek to 
share the treasures he was carrying home, if not to grasp the 
whole. Hernan Ponce, therefore, had been anxious to steer 
clear of the port of Havana and pursue his voyage, and had 
made large offers to the mariners to induce them to keep to sea, 
but tempestuous weather had absolutely driven them into port. 
No sooner did Hernando De Soto hear of the arrival of his 
ancient comrade and partner, than he sent persons on board to 
compliment and congratulate him upon his arrival, and invite 
him on shore to share with him his house, his possessions, and 
all his honors and commands. The message he followed up in 
person, repeating his congratulations and offers. 

Hernan Ponce would gladly have dispensed with both com- 
pliments and fraternity, and quaked in secret for the safety of 
his treasures. He affected, however, to reciprocate the joy and 
good will of his former comrade, but excused himself from 
landing until the following day, pleading the necessity of sleep 
and repose after the fatigues of the late tempest. De Soto left 
him to his repose, but suspecting, or having had some intimation 
of his real circumstances and designs, secretly stationed senti- 



HONORABLE CONDUCT OF DE SOTO. 63 



nels by sea and by land to keep watch upon his movements. His 
precautions were not in vain. Hernan Ponce about midnight 
sent two coffers, containing all his gold, pearls, and precious 
stones, to be concealed in some hamlet, or buried on the shore, 
leaving only the silver on board, to keep up appearances, intend- 
ing to pass it off on his partner as the whole of his wealth. 

No sooner had the mariners landed the coffers, and conveyed 
them some distance from the boat, than a party of sentinels 
rushed out from a thicket, put them to flight, seized upon the 
treasure, and conveyed it to the governor. 

The confusion and distress of Hernan Ponce, at losing his 
beloved treasure, may easily be imagined. He landed the next 
day with a sorrowful countenance, and took up his abode with 
De Soto. 

In private conversation, he revealed the misfortune of the 
preceding night. De Soto had been waiting for the occasion, 
and now broke forth indignantly, reproaching him with having 
attempted to conceal his treasures, through want of faith in his 
justice and friendship. To show how groundless was his dis- 
trust, he ordered the coffers to be brought in, and requested him 
to open them and see if any thing were missing. 

He furthermore declared that all he had expended in his 
present undertaking, and all the titles, commands, and privileges 
he had obtained from the crown, he had considered as for their 
mutual benefit, according to their terms of co-partnership and 
fraternity ; as he could prove by witnesses with him, whft had 
been present at the execution of the writings He now offered, 
whether he chose to accompany him in his conquest or not, to 
share with him his titles and commands, or to yield to him such 
of them as he might prefer. 



54 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



Hernan Ponce was confounded by the overwhelming courtesy 
of the governor, and the sense of his own delinquency ; but his 
heart yearned more after his own treasures than after all De 
Soto's anticipated conquests. He excused himself as well as he 
could for the past, pretended to be highly gratified at being still 
considered partner and brother, but declined all participation in 
De Soto's titles. He begged that their writings of co-partner- 
ship might be renewed and made public, and that his Excellency 
would proceed with his conquest, while he should return to 
Spain ; leaving to some future occasion the division of all their 
gains. To testify his acceptance of one half of the conquest, he 
entreated his Excellency to permit his wife Dona Isabel de 
Bobadilla, to receive from him ten thousand dollars in gold and 
silver, to aid in the expenses of the expedition ; being the half of 
what he had brought from Peru. 

De Soto granted his prayer ; the ten thousand dollars were 
paid into the hands of Dona Isabel, the articles of co-partnership 
were renewed, and during the whole stay of Hernan Ponce at 
Havana, he was always addressed as his Excellency, and received 
the same personal honors as the governor. 

The heart of Hernan Ponce, however, rested with his money 
bags, and delighted not in these empty honors. Under various 
pretexts, he deferred sailing for Spain until after the departure 
of De Soto and his army for Florida. Eight days after the 
governor had sailed, when there was no likelihood of his prompt 
return, Hernan Ponce addressed an instrument in writing to 
Juan de Rojas, the lieutenant-governor, declaring that the ten 
thousand dollars given to Hernando de Soto had not been paid 
as a just debt, but extorted through fear lest he should make use 
of his power to strip him of all his property. He begged, there- 



ESCAPE OF HERNAtf PONCE. 55 



fore, that Dona Isabel de Bobadilla might be compelled to refund 
them, otherwise he should complain to the Emperor of the injus- 
tice with which he had been treated. 

To this claim, Dona Isabel replied, that there were many 
accounts both new and old to be settled between Hernan Ponce 
and her husband, as would be seen by their writings of co-part- 
nership. That Hernan Ponce owed her husband more than fifty 
thousand ducats, as half of the amount expended in the outfit for 
the conquest. She demanded, therefore, that he should be ar- 
rested and held in safety until all these accounts could be exam- 
ined and adjusted, which she offered immediately to attend to, in 
the name of her husband. 

Hernan Ponce obtained a hint of the new troubles preparing 
for him, and fearing, should he fall into the hands of justice, he 
would meet with but little mercy, he hoisted sail before the har- 
pies of the law could get hold of him, and made the best of his 
way to Spain, leaving his ten thousand dollars and all the unset- 
tled accounts in the hands of Dona Isabel.* Having thus dis- 
posed of this episode, we will step back eight days in our chro- 
nology, to relate the sailing of the expedition for Florida. 

* Hist, of Florida, per el Inca, Lib. i. c. 14, 15. 



CHAPTER VII. 

THE ARMAMENT SETS SAIL FROM CUBA ARRIVAL AND LANDING IN 

FLORIDA EXPLOIT OF VASCO PORCALLO THEY COME UPON THE 

FIRST TRACES OF PAMPHILO DE NARVAEZ. 

On the 12th May,* 1539, Hernando De Soto sailed from Havana 
on his great enterprise. His squadron consisted of eight large 
vessels, a caravel, and two brigantines, all freighted with ample 
means of conquest and colonization. In addition to the forces 
brought from Spain, he had been joined by many volunteers, and 
recruits in Cuba, so that his armament, besides the ships' crews, 
amounted to a thousand men, with three hundred and fifty 
horses. It was altogether the most splendid expedition that had 
yet set out for the new world. 

The prevalence of contrary winds kept the squadron tossing 
about, for several days, in the Grulf of Mexico. At length on 
Whitsunday, the twenty-fifth day of May, they arrived at the 
mouth of a deep bay, to which, in honor of the day, De Soto gave 
the name of Espiritu Santo, now known as Tampa Bay. 

They had scarce arrived on the coast, when they beheld bale- 
fires blazing along the shores, and columns of smoke rising in 

* la De Soto's letter to the magistrates of Santiago, he says, he sailed 
on the 18th of May. 



ENCOUNTER WITH THE INDIANS. 57 



different directions. It was evident the natives had taken the 
alarm, and were summoning their warriors to assemble. De 
Sotto was cautious, therefore, as to debarking his troops, and re- 
mained several days on board ; sounding the harbor, and seeking 
a secure landing-place. In the mean time a boat sent on shore 
to procure grass for the horses, brought off a quantity of green 
grapes, which grew wild in the woods. They were of a kind 
different from any that the Spaniards had seen either in Mexico 
or Peru, and they regarded them with exultation as proofs of a 
fruitful and pleasant country. 

At length, on the last day of the month, a detachment of 
three hundred soldiers landed, and took formal possession of the 
country, in the name of Charles V. Not a single Indian was to 
be seen, and the troops remained all night on shore, in a state of 
careless security. Towards the dawn of day, however, an im- 
mense number of savages broke upon them with deafening yells ; 
several of the Spaniards were wounded with arrows, many were 
seized with panic, as new levied troops are apt to be in their first 
encounter, especially when in a strange land and assailed by 
strange foes. They retreated to the edge of the sea in confu- 
sion, crowding together so as to prevent each other from fighting 
to advantage, and sounding the alarm with drum and trumpet. 

The din of the tumult reached the fleet. The late seemingly 
lifeless hulks were immediately as busy as hives of bees, when 
their republic is invaded : armor was buckled on in haste, and a 
reinforcement landed. The lieutenant-general Yasco Porcallo, 
with seven horsemen, took the lead, not a little pleased with 
having so early an opportunity of displaying his prowess. Dash- 
ing his spurs into his horse, and brandishing his lance, he charged 
upon the savages, who made but slight resistance, and fled. He 



58 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



pursued them for some distance, and then returned highly elated 
with this first snuff of battle. 

Scarcely had he reached the camp, however, when his horse 
staggered under him and fell dead, having been wounded by an 
arrow in the course of the skirmish. The shaft had been sent 
with such force as to pass through the saddle and its housings, 
and to bury itself, one third of its length, between the ribs of 
the horse. Yasco Porcallo rose triumphant from his fall, vaunt- 
ing that the first horse that had fallen in this expedition was his> 
and his the first lance raised against the infidels. 

The remainder of the troops were now disembarked and en- 
camped on the borders of the bay, where they remained a few 
days reposing after the fatigues of the sea. They then marched 
to a village situated about two leagues distant ; while the ships, 
being lightened by the landing of the troops, were enabled, with 
the aid of the tide, to take their station opposite. 

The village was deserted by the inhabitants. It consisted of 
several large houses, built of wood and thatched with palm- 
leaves. At one end stood a kind of temple, with the image of a 
bird on top, made of wood, with gilded eyes. In this edifice were 
found strings of pearls of small value, having been injured by 
the fire, in boring them for necklaces and bracelets. 

In an opposite quarter of the village, upon an artificial emi- 
nence near the shore, so constructed as to serve as a fortress, 
stood the dwelling of the cacique* Here the governor took up 



* Mr. G. R. Fairbanks informs me that there is now at Tampa, an artificial 
eminence near the water, corresponding to that on which the house of the 
cacique is said to have stood ; and adds, to strengthen the belief, that such 
artificial structures could last so many centuries, that excavations or embank- 
ments once made in a soil like that of Florida, do not become effaced for cer> 



CAPTURE OF THE INDIANS. 59 



his residence, with his lieutenant, the veteran Porcallo, and his 
camp-master Luis de Moseoso. The other houses were converted 
into barracks for the troops, and storehouses for the provisions 
and ammunition brought on shore from the vessels. The trees 
and bushes were cleared away, for the distance of a bow-shot 
round the village, so as to give room for the cavalry to act, and to 
guard against sudden surprise in the night time. Sentinels also 
were placed at every point, and parties of horsemen patrolled the 
neighborhood. 

The governor at length succeeded in capturing a few strag- 
gling Indians, natives of the place, from whom he learned the 
cause of the fierce hostility of their countrymen, and their deser- 
tion of the village. Here it was that he first came upon the traces 
of his predecessor, Pamphilo de Narvaez, and unfortunately they 
were of a cruel character. Narvaez in his expedition to Florida 
had been bravely opposed by the cacique of this village, whose 
name was Hirrihigua.* He succeeded, at length, in winning his 



turies ; and that even the slight ridges made by cultivation, may be traced 
with exactness in forests densely covered with huge oaks. He says it is also 
so with the trails or paths, and as De Soto undoubtedly followed these as far 
as he was able, he thinks that in judging of Ms route, much attention should 
be paid to these Indian trails, which, from the many intervening streams, 
swamps, and lakes, must have been full and generally used. 

* We give this name according to Garcilaso de la Vega ; the Portuguese 
narrator calls the cacique Ucita. These two authorities often differ as to In- 
dian names. Sometimes they merely vary in the spelling, as is natural 
where the names were caught by ear, and did not originally exist in writing. 
At other times they differ entirely ; one narrator having probably heard a 
village and province called by its proper and permanent name, the other by 
the name of its cacique. These discrepancies are common and unavoidable, 
in the narratives of adventures among savage tribes, whose language is un- 
written and but little understood. Where irreconcilable differences occur, we 
are generally inclined to follow the Inca, as he received his facts from three 

3* 



60 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA, 



friendship, and a treaty was formed between them. Subsequent- 
ly, however, Narvaez became enraged at the cacique for some un- 
known reason, and in a transport of passion had ordered his nose 
to be cut off, and his mother to be torn to pieces by dogs. These 
merciless wrongs, as may well be supposed, had filled the heart 
of Hirrihigua with the bitterest hatred of the white men. 

De Soto endeavored to appease the cacique and gain his 
friendship. For this purpose he treated his subjects whom he 
had captured in the kindest manner, and sent them, laden with 
presents, to seek their chieftain and invite him to amicable inter- 
course. The Cacique was indignant at his subjects for daring to 
bring him messages from a race who had injured and insulted him 
so deeply. " I want none of their speeches nor promises," said 
he, bitterly, " bring me their heads, and I will receive them joy- 
fully." 

De Soto was reluctant to leave so powerful a foe between 
himself and his ships, and endeavored, by repeated envoys, to 
soften his animosity : but every message only provoked a more 
bitter and scornful reply. 

While thus negotiating with this vindictive savage, he receiv- 
ed intelligence that there was a Spaniard, a survivor of the fol- 
lowers of Famphilo de Narvaez, living under the protection of a 
neighboring cacique called Mucozo.* To obtain the services of 
this Spaniard was now a matter of great moment with the gover- 
nor, for, having lived upwards of ten years in the country, and 

different members of the expedition, one a gentleman of rank, the other two 
private soldiers ; whereas the Portuguese account has merely the authority 
of a single witness. The account of the transactions on landing are chiefly 
taken from the Inca, and occasionally from the Portuguese Narrative. 
* Mocoso. Portuguese Narrative. 



SUSPENSION" OF HOSTILITIES. 61 



become acquainted with, the language and customs of the natives, 
he was well fitted to act as guide, interpreter, and negotiator. 
He accordingly dispatched the brave and trusty Baltasar de G-al- 
legos, the chief Alguazil, at the head of sixty lances, and under 
the guidance of a native Indian, on an embassy to the cacique 
Mucozo, to obtain the release of the Spaniard, and invite the 
chieftain to the camp, with assurances of great friendship and 
munificent rewards. 

As this Spaniard was subsequently of great service through- 
out the expedition, and as his story is illustrative of the character 
and customs of the natives, and of the implacable resentment of 
the cacique Hirrihigua, we will diverge for a moment from the 
main course of our narrative, to relate some particulars of his ad- 
ventures. 



CHAPTER VIII. 



STORY OF JUAN ORTIZ. 



Shortly after Pamphilo de Narvaez had left the village of 
Hirrihigua, on his disastrous march into the interior, a small 
vessel of his fleet, which was in quest of him, put into the bay of 
Espiritu Santo. Anchoring before the town, they saw a few 
Indians, who made signs for them to land, pointing to a letter 
in the end of a cleft reed, stuck in the ground. The Spaniards 
supposed, and probably with justice, that it was a letter of in- 
struction left by Narvaez, giving information of his movements 
and destination. They made signs for the Indians to bring it to 
them. The latter, however, refused, but getting into a canoe 
came on board, where four of them offered to remain as hostages 
for such Spaniards as chose to go on shore for the letter. Upon 
this, four Spaniards stepped into the canoe and were swiftly 
conveyed to the shore. The moment they landed, a multitude 
of savages rushed out of the village and surrounded them, and, 
at the same time, the hostages on board plunged into the sea and 
swam to shore. The crew of the vessel, seeing the number of 
the enemy, and dreading some further mishap, made sail with all 
haste, abandoning their luckless comrades to their fate.* 

* Garcilaso de la Vega, Part i. L. ii. c. 1. Portuguese Narrative, c. 9 
Heirera, D. vi. L. vii. c. 10. 



CAPTIVITY OF JUAN ORTIZ. 63 



The captives were conveyed with savage triumph into the 
village of Hirrihigua ; for the whole had been a stratagem of the 
cacique, to get some of the white men into his power, upon whom 
he might wreak his vengeance. He placed his prisoners under 
a strong guard, until a day of religious festival. They were then 
stripped naked, led out into the public square of the village, and 
turned loose, one at a time, to be shot at with arrows. To pro- 
long their misery and the enjoyment of their tormentors, but 
one Indian was allowed to shoot at a time. In this way the 
first three were sacrificed, and the cacique took a vindictive 
pleasure in beholding them, running in their agony from corner 
to corner, vainly seeking an asylum in every nook, until after re- 
peated wounds they were shot to death. 

Juan Ortiz, a youth, scarce eighteen years of age, of a noble 
family of Seville, was the fourth victim. As they were leading 
him forth, his extreme youth touched with compassion the 
hearts of the wife and daughters of the cacique, who interceded 
in his favor. 

The cacique listened to their importunities, and granted for 
the present the life of Ortiz ; — but a wretched life did he lead. 
From morning until evening he was employed in bringing wood 
and water, and was allowed but little sleep and scanty food. 
Not a day passed that he was not beaten. On festivals he was 
an object of barbarous amusement to the cacique, who would 
oblige him to run, from sunrise until sunset, in the public 
square of the village, where his companions had met their un- 
timely end ; Indians being stationed with bows and arrows, to 
shoot him, should he halt one moment. When the day was 
spent, the unfortunate youth lay stretched on the hard floor of 
the hut, more dead than alive. At such times the wife and 



64 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



daughters of the cacique would come to him privately with food 
and clothing, and by their kind treatment his life was preserved. 

At length the cacique, determining to put an end to his 
victim's existence, ordered that he should be bound down upon 
a wooden frame, in the form of a huge gridiron, placed in the 
public square, over a bed of live coals, and roasted alive. 

The cries and shrieks of the poor youth reached his female 
protectors, and their entreaties were once more successful with 
the cacique. They unbound Ortiz, dragged him from the fire, 
and took him to their dwelling, where they bathed him with the 
juice of herbs, and tended him with assiduous care. After 
many days he recovered from his wounds, though marked with 
many a scar. 

His employment was now to guard the cemetery of the vil- 
lage. This was in a lonely field in the bosom of a forest. The 
bodies of the dead were deposited in wooden boxes, covered 
with boards, without any fastening except a stone or a log of 
wood laid upon the top ; so that the bodies were often carried 
away by wild beasts. 

In this cemetery was Ortiz stationed, with a bow and arrows, 
to watch day and night, and was told that should a single body 
be carried away, he would be burnt alive. He returned thanks 
to G-od for having freed him from the dreaded presence of the 
cacique, hoping to lead a better life with the dead than he had 
done with the living. 

While watching thus one long wearisome night, sleep over- 
powered him towards morning. He was awakened by the fall- 
ing lid of one of the chests, and, running to it, found it empty. 
It had contained the body of an infant recently deceased, the 
child of an Indian of great note. 



ORTIZ KILLS A PANTHER. 65 



Ortiz doubted not some animal had dragged it away, and im- 
mediately set out in pursuit. After wandering for some time, 
he heard, a short distance within the woods, a noise like that 
of a dog gnawing bones. Warily drawing near to the spot, he 
dimly perceived an animal among the bushes, and invoking suc- 
cor from on high, let fly an arrow at it. The thick and tangled 
underwood prevented his seeing the effect of his shot, but as the 
animal did not stir, he flattered himself that it had been fatal : 
with this hope he waited until the day dawned, when he beheld 
his victim, a huge animal of the panther kind,* lying dead, 
the arrow having passed through his entrails and cleft his 
heart. 

Gathering together the mangled remains of the infant, and 
replacing them in the coffin, Ortiz dragged his victim in triumph 
to the village, with the arrow still in his body. The exploit 
gained him credit with the old hunters^ and for some time sof- 
tened even the ferocity of the cacique. The resentment of the 
latter, however, for the wrongs he had suffered from white men, 
was too bitter to be appeased. Some time after, his eldest 
daughter came to Ortiz, and warned him that her father had de- 
termined to sacrifice him at the next festival, which was just at 
hand, and that the influence of her mother, her sisters, and 
herself would no longer avail him. She wished him, therefore, 
to take refuge with a neighboring cacique named Mucozo, who 
loved her and sought her in marriage, and who, for her sake, 
would befriend him. " This very night at midnight," said the 
kind-hearted maiden, " at the northern extremity of the village 
you will find a trusty friend who will guide you to a bridge, 

* The Inca calls this animal a Hon, as the Spanish discoverers were 
prone to call animals of the tiger or panther kind. 



66 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



about two leagues hence ; on arriving there, you must send him 
back, that he may reach home before the morning dawn, to avoid 
suspicion — for well he knows that this bold act, in daring to 
assist you, may bring down destruction upon us both. Six 
leagues further on, you will come to the village of Mucozo — tell 
him that I have sent you, and expect him to befriend you in your 
extremity — I know he will do it — go, and may your G-od protect 
you !" Ortiz threw himself at the feet of his generous pro- 
tectress, and poured out his acknowledgments for the kindness 
she had always shown him. The Indian guide was at the place 
appointed, and they left the village without alarming the warlike 
savages. When they came to the bridge, Ortiz sent back the 
guide, in obedience to the injunction of his mistress, and, con- 
tinuing his flight, found himself, by break of day, on the banks 
of a small stream near the village of Mucozo. 

Looking cautiously around, he espied two Indians fishing. 
As he was unacquainted with their language, and could not 
explain the cause of his coming, he was in dread lest they should 
take him for an enemy and kill him. He, therefore, ran to the 
place where they had deposited their weapons and seized upon 
them. The savages fled to the village without heeding his as- 
surances of friendly intention. The inhabitants sallied out with 
bows and arrows, as though they would attack him. Ortiz fixed 
an arrow in his bow, but cried out at the same moment, that 
he came not as an enemy but as an ambassador from a female 
cacique to their chief. Fortunately one present understood 
him, and interpreted his words. On this the Indians unbent 
their bows, and returning with him to their village, presented 
him to Mucozo. The latter, a youthful chieftain, of a graceful 
form and handsome countenance, received Ortiz kindly for the 



ORTIZ IS PROTECTED BY MUCOZO. 61 



sake of her who had sent him ; but, on further acquaintance, be- 
came attached to him for his own merits, treating him with the 
affection of a brother. 

Hirrihigua soon heard where the fugitive had taken refuge, 
and demanded several times that he should be delivered up ; 
Mucozo as often declined ; considering himself bound by the 
laws of honor and hospitality to protect him. Hirrihigua then 
employed as mediator another cacique, a brother-in-law of Mu- 
cozo, by the name of Urribarracuxi, who went in person to 
demand Ortiz. The generous Mucozo, however, refused to 
deliver up to a cruel enemy, the poor fugitive who had come 
recommended to his protection, and treated the very request as 
a stain upon his honor. The two caciques continued their im- 
portunities, but the high-minded savage remained faithful to his 
guest, though in maintaining inviolate the sacred rites of hospi- 
tality, he lost the friendship of his brother-in-law, and forfeited 
the hand of her he tenderly loved, the beautiful daughter of 
Hirrihigua. 



CHAPTER IX. 

BALTAZAR DE GALLEGOS DISPATCHED IN SEARCH OF JUAN ORTIZ 

THE CACIQUE MUCOZO, AND AFTERWARDS HIS MOTHER, VISIT 

THE SPANISH CAMP. 

1539. 

At this juncture tidings reached Mucozo of the arrival of De 
Soto and his troops at the village of Hirrihigua, and that it was 
their intention to conquer the country. Alarmed at this intelli- 
gence, he addressed himself to- Ortiz. " You all know," said he, 
" what I have done for you ; that I have sheltered you when 
friendless, and have chosen rather to fall into disgrace with my 
relations and neighbors, than to deliver you into the hands of 
your enemies. This I did without thought or hope of reward, 
but the time has come when you can repay me for my friend- 
ship. Go to the chieftain of this army of white men — represent 
to him the asylum I have extended to you, and which, in like 
case, I would have afforded to any of your countrymen — entreat 
him, in return, not to lay waste my territory, and assure him 
that I and mine are ready to devote ourselves to his service." 

Ortiz gladly departed on the mission, accompanied by fifty 
chosen warriors. It happened that about the same time Baltazar 
de Gallegos had been dispatched, as has been already mentioned, 
on his embassy to Mucozo. 



RESCUE OF JUAN ORTIZ. 69 



As Ortiz and his Indian escort, therefore, were on their way 
to the village of Hirrihigua, they came in sight of Baltazar, and 
his hand of lancers, glistening at a distance, in the midst of a 
verdant plain, skirted by a wood. 

The Indians would have concealed themselves in the forest, 
until the Christians could he informed that they were friends ; 
but Ortiz slighted their advice, insisting that his countrymen 
would at once recognize him : not reflecting that in appearance 
he was in nowise different from his savage companions, being 
like them almost naked, his body browned by exposure to the 
sun, his arms painted, a quiver at his back, a bow and arrow in 
his hand, and his head adorned with feathers. 

No sooner did the Spaniards descry the savages, than they 
came down upon them at full gallop, heedless of the voice of their 
captain ; for they were newly raised soldiers, full of spirit, and 
eager for a brush with the natives. 

The Indians fled terrified to the wood. One, however, was 
overtaken and slain. Juan Ortiz was assaulted by Alvaro 
Nieto, one of the stoutest and boldest troopers in the army. 
Ortiz parried the thrust of his lance with his bow, running at 
the same time, and leaping from side to side with great agility to 
avoid the horse, crying out lustily Xivilla, Xivilla — meaning 
Seville, Seville ; and making the sign of the cross with his arm 
and bow, to signify that he was a Christian.* 

Alvaro Nieto hearing him cry out Xivilla, demanded of him 
whether he was Juan Ortiz. On his replying in the affirmative, 
he seized him by the arm, lifted him upon the croup of his 
saddle, and scoured away to present him to Baltazar de GJ-allegos. 
The captain received him with great joy, and ordered his troopers 

* Biedma says he invoked the name of the Virgin. 



70 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



to be recalled, who were beating up the woods and hunting the 
poor Indians like so many deer. 

Ortiz himself went into the forest and called to the Indians, 
to come out and fear nothing. Many, however, fled back to their 
village, to acquaint Mucozo with what had happened. Others 
joined Ortiz in small parties, upbraiding him with his rashness, 
but when they found one of their people wounded, they were so 
exasperated, that they would have laid violent hands upon him 
had not the Spaniards been present. 

They were at length pacified. The soldiers bound up the 
wounds of the Indian, and placed him upon a horse. The troop- 
ers, having taken up all the Indians behind them, galloped 
away for the encampment of the governor. Previously to setting 
off, however, Ortiz dispatched an Indian to Mucozo, with a true 
account of the late events, lest that cacique should be irritated 
by the alarming statement brought by the fugitives.* 

The night was already far advanced when Baltazar de Gallegos 
and his band reached the camp. When the governor heard the 
tramp of their horse, he feared some mischance had befallen them, 
as he had not looked for them before the expiration of three days. 
His apprehensions were soon turned to rejoicing. He praised Gal- 
legos and his men for the skill and success of their expedition, and 
received Ortiz as his own son, sympathizing with his past suffer- 
ings, and presenting him with a suit of clothes, arms, and a good 
horse, f The Indians he treated with kindness, and ordered the 
wounded savage to be carefully attended. He then dispatched 
two of the natives to Mucozo, thanking him for his past kindness 

* Portuguese Narrative, c. 8. Herrera, D. vi. L. vii. c. 9. 
f Portuguese Narrative, c. *7. Garcilaso de la Vega, P. i. L. ii. c. 7. Her- 
rera, Decad. vi. L. vii. c. 10. 



ARRIVAL OF THE CACIQUE. 71 



to Ortiz, accepting his proffers of friendship, and inviting him to 
the camp. Not an eye was closed this night, but one and all 
joined in the revelry which welcomed the liberation of poor 
Ortiz. 

On the third day after the envoys had been dispatched, the 
cacique arrived, accompanied by his warriors. He kissed the 
hands of the governor with great veneration, saluted each one of 
the officers, and made a slight obeisance to the privates. De 
Soto received him with affectionate courtesy, and assured him that 
his people would be ever grateful to him for all his past kindness- 
es. " What I have done unto Ortiz," said Mucozo, " is but little 
indeed ; he came commended to me, and threw himself upon my 
protection. There is a law of our tribe, which forbids our betray- 
ing a fugitive who asks an asylum. But his own virtue and 
courage entitled him to all the respect shown him. That I have 
pleased your people, I rejoice exceedingly, and by devoting my- 
self, henceforth, to their service, 1 hope to merit their esteem." 
These words were uttered with so much grace, his bearing was so 
noble and lofty, and his manner so full of kindness, that De Soto 
and his officers were touched, and made presents to him and his 
warriors. 

Two days afterwards came the mother of Mucozo, overwhelm- 
ed with grief because her son was in the power of the Christians. 
She never would have consented to his visiting the army, but was 
absent at the time of his departure. She passionately entreated the 
governor to deliver up her son, and not serve him as Narvaez had 
served Hirrihigua. " He is young," said she ; " only give him his 
liberty, and take me, who am a poor old woman, and treat me as 
you please. I will bear any punishment for both." De Soto en- 
deavored to reassure her by expressions of gratitude and friend- 



72 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



ship for her son and herself; but though she remained three days 
in the camp, and was treated by every one with respect and kind- 
ness, she continued anxious and suspicious. She ate at the table 
of the governor, but would partake of nothing until Ortiz had 
tasted it ; fearing she might be poisoned. " How is this," said a 
Spaniard to her, " that you have now so great a fear of death, you 
who oifered to die for your son V 

" I have the same love of life as other mortals," replied she, 
" but most willingly would I lose it to save a son, who is far 
dearer to me than life itself!" 

Even when assured of the perfect liberty of Mucozo, and that 
he only remained for a time with the Spaniards through choice, 
because they were young braves like himself, she was but poorly 
comforted, and departed sorrowing for her home. On parting, 
she took Juan Ortiz aside, and besought him to liberate Mucozo, 
inasmuch as he had saved him from the vengeful hands of Hir- 
rihigua. 

The cacique remained in the army eight days, and during this 
time became very familiar, and was inspired with perfect confi- 
dence in the Spaniards. He went home well contented, and fre- 
quently afterwards revisited the governor, bringing always a num- 
ber of presents.* 

* Garcilaso de la Vega. P. i. L. ii. c. 7, 8. 



CHAPTER X. 

THE GOVERNOR ENDEAVORS TO GAIN THE FRIENDSHIP OP THE CACIQUE 

OP HIRRffllGUA GALLEGOS DISPATCHED ON AN EXPEDITION TO 

THE VILLAGE OP URRIBARRACAXI HE HEARS OP A REGION TO 

THE WESTWARD ABOUNDING IN GOLD. 

1539. 

While these things were passing in the camp, the provi- 
sions and munitions were landed from the caravels, and stored 
away in the village of Hirrihigua. The Adelantado, following 
the example of Cortes and other renowned captains, dispatched 
seven of the largest vessels to the Havana, in order that his fol- 
lowers might lose all hope of leaving the country, retaining only 
a caravel and two brigantines to keep command of the sea-coast 
and of the bay.* He appointed Pedro Calderon to the command 
of this important post. He was a hardy veteran, nursed in a 
rough school, amid camps and battle scenes, and had served in 
his youth under the great Captain Gronsalvo de Cordova. 

De Soto left no means untried to gain the friendship of Hir- 
rihigua, being aware that the example of this powerful chieftain 
would have great sway with the neighboring caciques. Accord- 
ingly, whenever the troopers, in foraging the adjacent country, 
captured a vassal of this cacique, he instantly sent him home 
loaded with presents and kind messages, urging Hirrihigua to 

* Hen-era, Hist. Ind., Decad. vi. L. vii. c. 10. 



•74 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



accept his proffered amity, and promising every reparation for 
the wrongs inflicted upon him by Pamphilo de Narvaez. These 
wrongs, however, were too deep to be easily obliterated from the 
stern bosom of the chieftain. The only reply he deigned to give 
was, " The memory of my injuries forbids my sending a kind 
answer, and a harsh one your courtesy will not allow me to re- 
turn." Still these constant and unwearied exertions of De Soto 
in some measure mitigated the deadly rancor of the cacique 
against the Spaniards. 

The governor made many inquiries of Ortiz respecting the 
country, and whether there was any region abounding in gold 
and silver. Ortiz knew of none, and could yield but little in- 
formation. When with Hirrihigua he had been closely watched, 
and not allowed to wander : and although while dwelling with 
Mucozo he had perfect liberty, yet he dared not venture far, 
through fear of being waylaid by his enemies. He had heard 
much, however, of a cacique named Urribarracaxi, whose vil- 
lage was thirty leagues distant, who was the most powerful 
chieftain of the country. To him Mucozo, Hirrihigua, and all 
the other caciques of the coast paid tribute, and his territories 
were far more fertile and abundant than those nearer the 
sea.* 

Upon this the governor dispatched Baltazar de Gallegos on 
an expedition to the village of this powerful cacique. Gallegos 
chose the same sixty lances that had accompanied him when in 
search of Juan Ortiz, and other sixty foot-soldiers, armed with 

* Portuguese Relation, c. 9. The name of the cacique in the Portuguese 
Narrative is Paracoxi. In the relation of Luis Hernandez de Biedma, and 
in De Soto's letter to the magistrates of Santiago, he ia called HurripacuxL 
We follow the Inca. 



EXPEDITION OF BALTAZAR DE GALLEGOS. 15 



cross-bows and bucklers. He was accompanied by Ortiz, as 
guide and interpreter. On approaching the village of Mucozo, 
the cacique came forth to receive them, and entertained them for 
the night with great hospitality. On the following morning 
the captain demanded of him a guide to the village of Urribar- 
racaxi. The cacique at first thought their designs upon the vil- 
lage were hostile, and shrank with noble spirit from what would 
have been an act of perfidy against his relative and neighbor. 
When he found., however, that they were on a friendly errand, 
and only wanted one of his vassals as a precursor, to go before 
and inform Urribarracaxi of their amicable intentions, he gladly 
furnished them with an Indian for the purpose, who had been a 
fast friend of Juan Ortiz. 

In their march thus far into the interior they had been oc- 
casionally impeded by morasses, which, however, became less fre- 
quent the farther they went from the sea. They observed many 
trees similar to those of Spain, such as walnut, oak, mulberry, 
plum, pine, and evergreen oak. There were wild grapes also in 
abundance. 

The distance from the village of Mucozo to that of his bro- 
ther-in-law was about seventeen leagues. They arrived there in 
four days, but found it deserted, the inhabitants having fled to 
the woods. They sent their envoy repeatedly to the cacique, 
with the most friendly messages, but every effort to draw him 
from his retreat proved fruitless, though he manifested no hos- 
tility in word or deed. G-allegos made diligent inquiry of the 
Indians they met with as to any province where gold and silver 
were to be found. They replied that there was a country to the 
westward called Ocali, the inhabitants of which were continually 

4 



tjQ CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



at war with, the people of another province, in which the Spring 
lasted all the year long, and gold was so plenty that their war- 
riors wore head-pieces of that precious metal.* 

* Portuguese Xarrative.. c. 10, 



CHAPTER XL 

THE EXPEDITION OF THE VETERAN VASCO PORCALLO IN QUEST 
OF THE CACIQUE HIRRIHIGUA, AND HOW HE FARED IN A 
SWAMP. 

1539. 

After Hernando de Soto had dispatched Gallegos on his ex- 
ploring expedition, he received intelligence that the cacique 
Hirrihigua was concealed in a forest at no great distance from 
the camp. He was about to send a captain with an armed 
force in quest of him, when the enterprise was claimed by the 
lieutenant-general, Vasco Porcallo de Figueroa. This brave old 
cavalier had a passion for military exploit, and was, withal, a 
little vainglorious. He thought this a fitting opportunity to 
signalize himself, and insisted upon having the honor of captur- 
ing this fugitive, yet formidable cacique. The enterprise being 
granted to him, he prepared for it in his usual style; for he was 
fond of parade, and generous in all his appointments. Having 
selected a band of horsemen and foot-soldiers, he put himself at 
their head and sallied forth from the camp, well mounted, and 
cased in glittering armor, vaunting that he would bring home 
Hirrihigua either a prisoner or a friend.* 

* Garcilaso de la Vega, P. i. L. ii c. 9. Herrera, Hist. Ind., Decad. vi L. 
vii. c. 10. 



CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



He had not proceeded far, however, when he was met by an 
Indian messenger, sent by Hirrihigua, who had received intelli- 
gence by his spies of the armed force marching in quest of him. 
The messenger entreated Yasco Porcallo on the part of Hirri- 
higua, not to proceed any further, as the cacique was in so secure 
a fortress that, with all his exertions, he could not get to him ; 
whereas he and his troops would be exposed to infinite perils from 
the rivers, morasses, and tangled forests, which he would have to 
pass. The cacique added, that he gave this advice, not through 
any fear for himself, but in consequence of the forbearance mani- 
fested by the Spaniards, in not injuring his territory, or his 
subjects. 

Vasco Porcallo listened to the messenger with incredulity; 
persuading himself that fear, not gratitude nor courtesy, dictated 
the message ; so he ordered the trumpet to sound, and marched 
on. As he advanced, messenger after messenger encountered 
him, all repeating the warning to return, and they at length be- 
came so frequent as almost to overtake each other. The more, 
however, he was warned to return, the more obstinately did the 
stout-hearted and hot-headed cavalier persist in advancing ; 
taking every thing by contrary, and judging of the panic of the 
cacique by the frequency of his messages. His only fear was 
that the prize might take to flight, and escape him. He spurred 
on hotly, therefore, with his troops, until they arrived at a vast 

and dismal morass. 

Here his men, perceiving the truth of the warnings, remon- 
strated about the difficulty and danger of attempting this morass. 
Vasco Porcallo, however, had put himself too much on his. met- 
tle to be easily daunted. He insisted upon their entering ; but, 
being an old soldier, he knew the effect, in time of difficulty, of set- 



ISSUE OF PORCALLO'S EXPEDITION. 79 



ting an example ; so, putting spurs to his horse, he dashed for- 
ward, and his men followed him pell-mell into the morass. Vasco 
Porcallo had not proceeded far, however, when, coming to a deep 
miry place, his horse floundered and fell. The peril of the lieu- 
tenant-general was imminent ; the horse had fallen upon one of 
his legs so as to pin him down, while the weight of his armor 
contributed to sink him in the mire. Both horse and rider were 
in danger of suffocation ; nor could any one come to their aid, 
being in a perfect quagmire, where all who entered would be ex- 
posed to like peril. 

At length, with infinite difficulty, the worthy cavalier extri- 
cated himself and his steed from this dismal bog, and landed 
once more on firm ground, covered with mud and mire. All his 
vainglory was at an end, he was out of humor with himself, and 
felt mortified in the sight of his soldiers. The savage whom he 
had come to fight and capture, instead of encountering him with 
deadly weapons, had conquered him by courteous and friendly 
messages, and his vainglorious enterprise had ended in a struggle 
in a quagmire. 

Ordering his men to face about, he set out on his return to 
camp, in far different mood from that in which he had sallied forth. 
Amidst the mortifications of his present plight, he called to mind 
his pleasant and comfortable home at Cuba, and the easy and 
luxurious life he had led there. He reflected that he was no 
longer a boy ; that the vigor of his days was past ; that his 
present disaster was but a slight foretaste of the toils and 
troubles that must attend this conquering expedition ; that he 
was not obliged to encounter them, but had better return to his 
home, and leave the conquest of Florida for the young hotheads 
who were embarked in it. 



80 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



Revolving these and similar thoughts in his mind, the worthy- 
old cavalier, all bedabbled and bemired, and totally crest-fallen, 
rode along in crusty and querulous yet half-whimsical humor, 
muttering his fancies to himself, and ejaculating, in a broken 
manner, the hard Indian names, with an occasional curse upon 
them for their ruggedness. " Hurri-harri ! Hurri-higa ! Burra- 
coxa ! Hurri-harri — the devil take a country where the great 
men have such infamous names ! A fine commencement this ! 
promising omens of future luck ! Glorious middles and ends to 
be augured from such beginnings ! — Well, let those work for food 
and fame who are in need of them. For my part, I have riches 
and honor enough to last for the rest of my life, and to leave 
behind me." 

In this moody way the worthy Vasco Porcallo arrived at the 
camp. All his dreams of conquest were at an end. The martial 
fire caught from the young sparks of the army, which had blazed 
up so suddenly in his bosom, was as suddenly extinguished. 
His only thought now was, how to get rid of his command of 
lieutenant-general, and to get safe back to his comfortable home 
in Cuba. With these views he presented himself at once before 
De Soto, and, stating his reasons with honest force and hearty 
sincerity, applied for permission to resign. The governor 
granted it with the same promptness and grace with which he 
had accepted his offer to join the enterprise, and moreover fur- 
nished him with the galliot San Anton, to convoy him to the 
island. 

The worthy veteran now set to work as eagerly to get out of 
the expedition as he had done to enter upon it. His train of 
servants, Spanish, Indian, and negro, were embarked with all 
speed ; but when the gallant old cavalier came to take leave of 



PORCALLO SAILS FOR CUBA. 81 



his young companions in arms, and the soldiers he had lately 
aspired to lead so vaingloriously, his magnificent spirit broke 
forth. He made gifts to the right and left, dividing among the 
officers and knights all the arms, accoutrements, horses, and 
camp equipage with which he had come so lavishly and ostenta- 
tiously provided, and gave for the use of the army all the ample 
store of provisions and munitions "brought for the use of himself 
and his retinue. This done, he hade farewell to campaigning, 
and set sail for Cuba, much to the regret of the army, who 
lamented that so galliard a spirit should have burnt out so soon. 
The only one that remained behind of the train of Vasco 
Porcallo, was his natural son, named Gomez Suarez de Figueroa, 
whom he had by an Indian woman in Cuba, and with whom he 
left two horses and arms, and other necessaries. This youth, 
throughout this expedition, conducted himself as a good knight 
and soldier, and a worthy son of such a father, serving with 
great promptitude on all occasions.* 

* The Inca, P. i. L. ii c. 11. 



CHAPTER XII. 

DE SOTO LEAVES PEDRO CALDERON WITH A GARRISON IN HIRRI- 

HIGUA, AND SETS OUT ON HIS MARCH INTO THE INTERIOR 

THE DIFFICULTIES HE ENCOUNTERED GONZALO SILVESTRE SENT 

BACK WITH A MESSAGE TO CALDERON. 

1539. 

On the day after the departure of Yasco Porcallo, a young cava- 
lier named G-onzalo Silvestre, followed by three other horsemen, 
rode into the camp, sent by Baltazar de Gallegos. They brought 
favorable accounts from Gallegos of the country he had explored, 
and assurances that in the village of Urribarracaxi and its neigh- 
borhood were provisions enough to sustain the army for several 
days. 

One drawback on their favorable intelligence was, that beyond 
the town of Urrabarracaxi extended a vast and dismal swamp, 
exceedingly difficult to be traversed. The Spaniards, however, 
who were all alert for action and adventure, made light of 
this obstacle, averring that God had given man genius and dex- 
terity with which to make his way through every difficulty. 

Satisfied from the relation given by these men that he might 
readily penetrate into the interior, the governor issued orders 
for every one to prepare to march on the fourth day. In the 
mean time he dispatched Gonzalo Silvestre, with twenty horse- 



CALDERON'S OCCUPATION OF HIRRIHIGUA. 88 



men, to notify Baltazar cle Gallegos of his intended march to join 
him. 

As there was a great quantity of arms, ammunition, and pro- 
visions in the village of Hirrihigua, he left a garrison there of 
forty horsemen and eighty foot-soldiers, with Pedro Calderon as 
captain ; who had command also of the shipping in the harbor, 
consisting of a caravel and two brigantines with their crews. 

They were enjoined to remain quiet, and not to move to any 
other place without orders from De Soto : they were, moreover, 
to cultivate peace with the surrounding Indians ; not to make 
war upon them, even though they were taunted and insulted ; 
and, above all, to treat Mucozo with marked friendship. 

Having made all these arrangements, and trusting, as well he 
might, in Pedro Calderon as a good soldier and discreet captain, 
De Soto set out on the appointed day, with his main force, from 
the Bay of Espiritu Santo and the village of Hirrihigua. It 
was an arduous and difficult task to conduct such a body of 
troops, encumbered with armor and with all kinds of baggage 
and supplies, through a wilderness, exposed to hardships and 
dangers, and a wild kind of warfare, to all which most of them 
were entirely unaccustomed. 

As a leading object with the governor, also, was to found a 
colony, he was encumbered with many things that embarrassed 
the march of his army. Among these are particularly noted three 
hundred swine, with which he intended to stock the country when 
he should settle, having been found the most advantageous stock 
for the sustenance of new colonies. These animals were placed 
in charge of a company of horse, to keep them to the line of march, 
and guard them in traversing the swamps and rivers. 

Besides the matchlocks and cross-bows with which the infan- 

4* 



84 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



try were armed, there was one piece of ordnance in the army, the 
transportation of which must have cost vast labor, while it ap- 
pears never to have rendered any efficient service. 

After two days' march, always to the northeast, De Soto, on 
the morning of the third day, came in sight of the village of Mu- 
cozo. # The cacique came forth to receive him, expressing great 
grief at his intended departure from the country, and entreating 
him to remain that night in his village. The governor, however, 
excused himself, not wishing to task his hospitality with such a 
multitude of guests. He again expressed his thanks for the kind- 
ness shown to Juan Ortiz, and commended to his friendship and 
good offices the captain and soldiers who remained in garrison in 
the village of Hirrihigua. The cacique promised to observe to- 
wards them the strictest amity. He then took leave of the go- 
vernor and his principal officers and cavaliers, with many em- 
braces and apparently sincere tears, praying that the sun might 
shine upon them throughout their journey, and prosper them in 
all their undertakings. The Spaniards, themselves, were greatly 
affected at parting with this generous savage, who had in all things 
proved himself so true and noble a friend. 

On arriving at the village of Urribarracaxi.f De Soto found 
Baltazar de G-allegos waiting to receive him. The cacique, how- 
ever, was still absent, remaining in the fastnesses of the forest, 
and though the governor sent envoys with offers of peace and 
amity, nothing could draw him forth from his place of refuge. 



* Called now Hichipuchsassa. 

f Mr. Fairbanks thinks this village was in the hamraacks, near the head 
of the Hillsborough river, and remarks, that the Indians always made their 
settlements in the vicinity of the hammacks for purposes of cultivation, a? 
the best lands are always found there. 



RESISTANCE OP THE INDIANS. 85 



A grand obstacle now lay in the way by which the Spaniards 
were to proceed. About three leagues from the village extended 
a great morass a league in width, two thirds mire and one third 
water, and very deep at the borders. Runners were sent forth in 
three different directions to discover a pass, which they succeeded 
in doing after several days' search. By this pass the army cross- 
ed with ease, although it took a whole day to do so. 

They now arrived on a broad plain, and sent the runners 
ahead to explore their route. The latter returned the next day, 
declaring that they could not proceed farther on account of the 
many bogs made by streams which ran out of the great morass 
and inundated the country. Upon this the governor determined 
to seek a road himself. Choosing, therefore, one hundred horse 
and as many foot-soldiers, he left the rest of the army encamped 
with the camp master-general, Luis de Moscoso, and recrossing 
the great swamp, travelled three days along one side of it, sending 
runners, at different distances, to seek for some outlet. 

During the three days, Indians incessantly sallied forth from 
the woods which skirted the swamp, discharging their arrows at 
the Spaniards and retreating to their thickets. Some, however, 
were killed and others taken prisoners. The latter were used as 
guides, but they led the troops into difficult passes, and places 
where Indians were lurking in ambush. Discovering their per- 
fidy, the Spaniards let loose the dogs, who killed four of them. 
Upon this, an Indian, fearing a similar fate, offered to guide them 
surely, and accordingly, after a wide circuit, brought them to a 
place free from mire, but where they had to proceed for the dis- 
tance of a league breast-high in water, until they came to the mid- 
channel, where, for a hundred yards, it was too deep to be forded. 
Here the Indians had constructed a rude bridge, by felling two 



86 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



large trees into the water; and, where they did not unite, the 
space was supplied by logs tied to each other, with poles across 
them. By this same bridge Pamphilo de Narvaez had passed, 
ten years before, with his unfortunate army. 

Hernando de Soto, well pleased to have found this bridge, 
summoned two soldiers, half-breeds of the Island of Cuba, named 
Pedro Moron and Diego de Oliva, who were expert swimmers, 
and ordered them to take hatchets and cut away several branches 
which obstructed the passage of the bridge, and clear away all 
other impediments. 

The two soldiers set to work with all diligence, but in the 
midst of their labor, several canoes with Indians darted forth from 
among the rushes, and galled the workmen by a flight of arrows. 
The two half-breeds plunged from the bridge, swam under the 
water and came up near their comrades. They were but slightly 
wounded, for being under the surface of the water the force of 
the arrows was broken, and they did not penetrate deeply. 
After this sudden onset, the Indians retired. The Spaniards re- 
paired the bridge without being again molested, and at a short 
distance above they discovered a very good pass for the horses. 

Having thus succeeded in the object of his search, the gover- 
nor called to him Gonzalo Silvestre, one of the most hardy and 
spirited of his youthful cavaliers, and the best mounted of his 
troop. " To your lot," said he, " has fallen the best horse in the 
army, and the more work you will have in consequence, for we 
have to assign to you the most difficult tasks that occur. Return 
this night to the camp, and tell Luis de Moscoso to follow us 
with the army ; and to dispatch you ahead with provisions for 
our immediate supply. That you may return with more safety 
than you go, tell him to give you thirty lances as an escort. I 



SILVESTRE MEETS JUAN LOPEZ CACHO. 87 



will wait for you in this same place until to-morrow night. The 
road may seem long and difficult, and the time short, but I know 
to whom I intrust the undertaking. That you may not go alone, 
take with you the companion you like best, and be off at once, for 
you should pass the swamp before daybreak lest the Indians cap- 
ture and kill you." 

The very peril of the mission put the youthful Silvestre upon 
his mettle. Without answering a word, he left the governor, 
vaulted in his saddle, and was already on the way when he en- 
countered another youth, named Juan Lopez Cacho, native of 
Seville, and page of the governor, who had an excellent horse. 
" Juan Lopez," cried Silvestre, " the general has ordered that you 
and I go with a message to be delivered before daybreak at the 
camp ; follow me, therefore, immediately, for I am already on the 
road." 

" Take some other person, I entreat you," said Juan J Lopez, 
" I am fatigued, and cannot make the journey." 

" As you please," replied Silvestre, " the governor ordered me 
to choose a companion, and I have chosen you. If you are so 
disposed, come and welcome ; if not, remain. Your company 
will not diminish the danger, nor will my going alone increase the 
toil." So saying, he continued on his way. Juan Lopez, much 
as it went against his will, leaped into his saddle and galloped 
after him. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

THE PERILOUS JOURNEY OP GONZALO SILVESTRE, AND HIS FRIEND, 

JUAN LOPEZ. 

1539, 

The sun was just setting as Gronzalo Silvestre and his comrade 
departed on their hazardous mission. These youthful cavaliers 
were well matched in spirit, hardihood, and sprightly valor ; and 
neither had attained his twenty-first year. 

They passed rapidly over the first four or five leagues, the 
road being clear, free from forests, swamps, or streams. In all 
that distance they did not perceive a single Indian. Having 
crossed this open tract, their dangers and difiiculties began ; for, 
being ignorant of the country, they were obliged to trace back, 
step by step, the track they had made three days previous, 
through bog and brake, brambles and forest, and across a laby- 
rinth of streams meandering from the great morass ; guiding 
themselves by the land-marks noticed on their previous march. 
In this toilsome twilight journey, they were aided by the instinct 
of the horses. These sagacious animals, as if possessed of under- 
standing, traced the road by which they had come, and like 
spaniels or setter dogs, thrust their noses along the ground to 
discover the track. Their riders did not at first understand 
their intention, and checked them with the reins to raise their 
heads. Did they at any time lose the track, on finding it again 



DANGERS OF THE EXPEDITION. 89 



the steeds would puff and snort, which alarmed their masters, 
who dreaded being overheard by the savages.* 

Gonzalo Silvestre, comprehending at length the intention of 
his horse when he lowered his head to seek the track, gave him 
his will, without attempting to guide him. Encountering these 
difficulties, and many others more easily to be imagined than 
written, these two daring youths travelled all night, without any 
road, half dead with hunger, worn out with excessive fatigue, 
and almost overcome by sleep. Their horses were in no better 
plight, as for three days they had not been unsaddled, the bits 
being merely taken from their mouths occasionally, that they 
might graze. 

At times they passed within sight of huge fires, around 
which the savages were stretched in wild and fantastic, groups, 
or capering and singing, and making the forests ring with yells 
and howlings. These were probably celebrating their feasts 
with war dances. The deafening din they raised was the safe- 
guard of the two Spaniards, as it prevented the savages noticing 
the clamorous barking of their dogs, and hearing the trampling 
of the horses as they passed. f 

* The Inca is curiously minute in his account of these horses. The steed 
of Gonzalo Silvestre, says he, was the most sure in the track, and certain to 
discover it when lost. However, he adds, we must not be surprised at this 
excellent quality, and many others that this horse possessed ; for, his marks 
and color proved him admirably fitted either for peace or war. He was of a 
dark chestnut of a pitchy shade, with white on one of his left feet, and 
striped above the nostrils, marks which promise more excellence and gentle- 
ness than any other. The dark chestnut color, especially when of a pitchy 
hue, is above all others the most excellent, either for light or heavy labor. 
The steed of Juan Lopez Cachero was of a light bay, commonly called fox- 
color, and his extremities were black, excellent marks, but inferior to the dark 
chestnut color. Garcilaso de la Vega, P. i. L. ii. c. 14. 

f The Inca, P. i. Lib. h. c. 14. 



90 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



Thus they journeyed for more than ten leagues. Juan 
Lopez was repeatedly so much overpowered by sleep, that he 
entreated they should halt and repose, but Silvestre resolutely 
refused. At length poor Lopez could contain himself no longer. 
" Let me sleep for a short time," said he, " or kill me with your 
lance on the spot, for I cannot possibly go on any farther, or keep 
my saddle." 

" Dismount then, and sleep if you please," said Silvestre. 
" since you had rather run the risk of being butchered than bear 
up an hour longer. According to the distance we have come, we 
must be near the pass of the morass, and cross it we must 
before dawn ; for if day finds us in this place our death is 
certain." 

Juan Lopez made no reply, but let himself fall upon the 
ground like a lifeless body. His companion took from him his 
lance, and held his horse by the bridle. Night now rapidly 
drew on — the clouds poured forth a deluge of rain, but 
nothing could awaken Juan Lopez from his deep and death- 
like slumber. 

As the rain ceased, the clouds dispersed and Silvestre de- 
clared that he found himself suddenly in broad daylight, without 
having perceived it dawn ; it is probable that he had been un- 
consciously sleeping in his saddle. Startled at beholding the 
day so near, he hastened to call Lopez, but finding that the low 
tones in which he spoke were insufficient, he made use of his 
lance, and gave him some hearty blows, calling out, " Look what 
your sleeping has brought upon us : see, the daylight which we 
dreaded has overtaken us, and we have now no escape from our 
enemies !" 

Juan Lopez, roused at last by this summary process, sprang 



A PERILOUS LEAGUE. 91 



Into his saddle, and they set off at a handgallop. Fortunately 
for them, the horses were of such bottom, that notwithstanding 
past fatigue, they were yet in spirit. The light revealed the 
two cavaliers to the Indians, who set up yells and howlings, that 
seemed to arise from every part of the morass, accompanied by a 
frightful din, and clangor of drums, trumpets, conches, and other 
rude instruments of warlike music. 

A perilous league remained to be made, over an expanse of 
water, which the horses would have to ford. Before the Span- 
iards reached it, they beheld canoes darting forth from among 
thickets and cane-breaks, until the water seemed covered with 
them. They saw the imminent danger that awaited them in the 
water, after passing so many on land ; but, knowing that in 
courage alone consisted their safety, they dashed into it ; seek- 
ing to pass it with all speed. Throughout the whole distance, 
they were beset by Indians, who were discharging arrows at 
them. Fortunately they were cased in armor, and their horses 
were nearly covered with the water, so that they both escaped 
without wounds, though the cavaliers declared that, on reaching 
land, and looking back, the whole surface of the water seemed 
strewed with arrows. 

The Indians continued to pursue them on land, plying their 
bows, and speeding flights of arrows, when a band of thirty 
horsemen came galloping to the rescue, headed by Nuiio Tobar, 
on his famous dapple-gray charger. The wild cries and yells of 
the Indians having reached the army, had caused a surmise 
that some Spaniards were in danger, and Nuno Tobar had pro- 
posed this sally to their rescue ; for that cavalier, now that he 
was out of favor with his general, seemed, with the pride of a 



92 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



noble spirit to pique himself the more on signalizing himself by 
worthy deeds. 

At sight of Nuno Tobar and his band, the Indians gave over 
the pursuit, and retreated into the thickets and morass. 



CHAPTER HY. 

THIRTY LANCES SALLY FOE.TH WITH SUPPLIES FOR THE GOVERNOR 
THE HAUGHTY SPEECH OF THE CACIQUE ACUERA. 

1539. 

The two adventurous troopers reached the army in safety, and 
were received with acclamations. On learning their errand, 
Luis de Moscoso, the camp-master-general, immediately or- 
dered two horses to be laden with supplies for the governor 
and his troops, and thirty horsemen as an escort. With this 
band Gonzalo Silvestre set out on his return, without having re- 
posed an hour in the camp, and having scarcely taken any 
refreshment. His friend, Juan Lopez, remained behind, excus- 
ing himself under the plea that the governor had neither ordered 
him to go nor return. 

The thirty horse passed the morass without opposition, and 
travelled all day without seeing an enemy. With all their 
speed they could not arrive at the place at which the governor 
had promised to await them, until two hours after nightfall, 
when, to their great chagrin, they found the late camping-ground 
deserted. Ignorant of the route taken by the general, the little 
band made arrangements for passing the night in this perilous 
situation. Being exposed to the attacks of lurking savages, 



94 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



constant vigilance was necessary. They divided their party, 
therefore, into three bands of ten men each. One, mounted and 
armed, went the rounds the first third of the night ; another 
"band kept watch at the encampment, with their horses . saddled 
and bridled, and ready to be mounted. The third merely took 
the bridles off their steeds, and, suffering the saddles to remain 
on, turned the horses loose to graze while they snatched a brief 
repose. In this manner, going the rounds, watching and sleep- 
ing by turns, they lightened their toils, and the night passed 
away without molestation. 

As soon as the day dawned they sought the track of the 
general and his troop, and following it, came to the second pass 
of the morass with the Indian bridge. Here, having to advance 
for a great distance breast-high in water, they feared an attack, 
for the Indians might hover about them in canoes, and assail 
them with nights of arrows : to their great joy, however, they 
accomplished the whole passage without any assault. This ca- 
pricious conduct of the savages — one day attacking with blood- 
thirsty fury, and the next keeping entirely out of sight — occurred 
repeatedly throughout the whole of this expedition, and has 
been sometimes attributed to superstitious notions and observ- 
ances in their warfare. 

Having travelled six leagues, the convoy came to a beautiful 
valley, in which were large fields of Indian corn, of such luxu- 
riant growth as to bear three and four ears upon a stalk. The 
horsemen leaned down and plucked them as they rode along, 
eating them raw to appease their hunger. In this valley they 
found the governor encamped, who received them joyfully, lav- 
ishing praises upon Silvestre for his courage and hardihood, and 
promising to reward him for his services. He excused himself 



THE GOVERNOR IS JOINED BY HIS ARMY. 95 



for not having waited at the appointed place, by alleging the in- 
tolerable hunger of the troops, and their doubts whether Silvestre 
had not fallen into the hands of the Indians. 

Within a few days the governor was joined by the residue of 
the army, conducted by Luis de Moscoso. They had traversed 
the two passes of the morass with great toil and difficulty, but 
fortunately without any hostility on the part of the natives. 

The fertile province in which the army was encamped,* was 
twenty leagues to the north of that of Urribarracaxi, and was 
ruled by a cacique named Acuera, who, on the approach of the 
Spaniards, had fled with his people to the woods. Hernando de 
Soto sent Indian interpreters to him, representing the power of 
the Spaniards to do injury or confer benefits ; their disposition 
to befriend the natives ; and that their only object was, by ami- 
cable means, to bring the people of this great country into obe- 
dience to their sovereign, the powerful emperor and king of 
Castile. He invited the cacique, therefore, to a friendly inter- 
view. 

The cacique returned a haughty and vaunting reply. " Others 
of your accursed race," said he, " have in years past poisoned 
our peaceful shores. They have taught me what you are. What 
is your employment ? To wander about like vagabonds from 
land to land — to rob the poor — to betray the confiding — to mur- 
der in cold blood the defenceless. No, with such a people I 
want no peace, no friendship. War — never ending — extermi- 
nating war, is all the boon I ask. You boast yourselves valiant 
— and so you may be — but my faithful warriors are not less 
brave — and this, too, you shall one day prove, for I have sworn 

* Supposed to be the place known now as the old Indian Palaklikaha. 



96 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



to maintain an unsparing conflict while one white man remains 
in my borders. Not openly in battle — though even thus we fear 
not to meet you — but by stratagem, and ambush, and midnight 
surprisal." 

In reply to the demand that he should yield obedience to the 
emperor, he replied : " I am king in my own land, and will 
never become the vassal of a mortal like myself. Vile and 
pusillanimous is he who will submit to the yoke of another, when 
he may be free ! As for me and my people, we choose death, 
yes, a hundred deaths, before the loss of our liberty, and the sub- 
jugation of our country !" 

The governor admired the pride and haughtiness of spirit of 
the savage chieftain, and was more pressing than ever to gain his 
friendship ; but to all his messages and overtures the answer of 
the cacique was, that he had already made the only reply he had 
to offer. . 

In this province the army remained twenty days, recruiting 
from the fatigue and privation of the past journey. During this 
time the governor sent persons in every direction to explore the 
country, who returned with favorable reports. 

The Indians, during this time, were not asleep nor idle. To 
fulfil the bravadoes of their cacique, they lurked in ambush 
about the camp, so that a Spaniard could not stray a hundred 
steps from it without being shot down and instantly beheaded ; 
so that if his companions hastened to his rescue, they found 
nothing but a headless trunk. 

The Christians buried the dead bodies of their unfortunate 
comrades whenever they found them, but the Indians would 
return the following night, disinter them, cut them up and hang 
them upon the trees. The heads they carried as trophies to 



HOSTILITIES OF THE NATIVES. 9? 



their cacique, according to his orders. Thus fourteen Spaniards 
perished, and a greater number were wounded. The savages in 
these skirmishes ran comparatively but little risk, as the Spanish 
encampment was skirted by a thicket, whither the Indians, after 
making an assault, could easily escape. In this manner the 
Spaniards saw effectually verified the threats which had been 
shouted forth by the Indians who had hung upon the rear during 
the march. " Keep on, robbers and traitors," cried they, " in 
Acuera and Apalachee we will treat you as you deserve. Every 
captive will we quarter and hang up on the highest trees along 
the road." 

Notwithstanding their great vigilance during all this time, 
the Spaniards did not kill more than fifty Indians, for they were 
most prudent and wary in their waylayings. # 

* The Inca, P. i. L. ii. c. 16 s Herrera. D. vi. L. vii c. 10. 

Note. — The conduct and language of the cacique Acuera are completely in 
the spirit manifested by some of the chiefs of the late war ; the mode of war- 
fare was also of a similar kind. 



CHAPTER XV. 

THE GOVERNOR ARRIVES IN THE PROVINCE OF OCALI OCCUR- 
RENCES THERE. 

1539. 

The army reposed for twenty days in the province of Acuera, 
during which time De Soto permitted no injury to be done 
either to the hamlets and villages, or the fields of grain : they 
then "broke up their encampment, and set out for another prov- 
ince, about twenty leagues to the north-eastward, called Ocali,* 
the same of which G-allegos had heard at the village of Urribar- 
racaxi. Their way lay across a desert tract, about twelve leagues 
broad, interspersed with open forests, free from underwood, 
through which the horsemen could ride at ease. They then tra- 
versed seven leagues, where dwellings were scattered about the 
fields and forests. At length they arrived at the principal vil- 
lage, containing six hundred houses, called after the cacique 
Ocali. The inhabitants, however, had fled with their effects to 
the forests. 

This province, being further from the sea-coast, was less cut 
up and intersected by the deep creeks and bays, which in other 

* This name is spelt Cale by the Portuguese Narrator. It is supposed to 
have been in the neighborhood of Fort King:. 



CANUTE SAGACITY. 99 



parts penetrated an immense distance into this low «.nd level 
country, causing vast swamps and bogs, difficult and sometimes 
impossible to be passed. In some of the morasses they had tra- 
versed the surface would appear like firm land, yet, on stepping 
upon it. would tremble for twenty or thirty paces around, and on 
being trodden by horses would give way. and plunge steed and 
rider into a suffocating quagmire. 

Besides being more free from morasses, the province of Ocali 
was more populous and fruitful : and this the Spaniards found 
to be the case, throughout this country, in proportion as the 
provinces were remote from the sea. What they chiefly suffered 
from throughout this whole expedition, was scarcity of animal 
food, as the natives did not raise domestic cattle ; and, although 
deer and other game were abundant, the Indians only killed suf- 
ficient to supply their immediate wants. 

The Spaniards took up their quarters in the village of Ocali, 
where they found vast quantities of maize, vegetables, and various 
kinds of fruits. The governor sent three or four Indian mes- 
sengers daily to the cacique Ocali, endeavoring, but in vain, to 
draw that chieftain from his retreat, with proffers of peace and 
friendship. With one of these messengers, came to the camp 
four young Indian warriors, gayly decorated with plumes, who 
manifested an eager curiosity to see the Spaniards, wondering at 
their dress, their arms, and, above all, their horses. The gover- 
nor gave them presents, and ordered that a collation should be 
set before them. 

They sat down and appeared to be eating very quietly, when, 
perceiving the Spaniards to be off their guard, they rose sud- 
denly, and ran full speed to the woods. It was in vain for the 
Spaniards to pursue them on foot, and there was no horse at hand. 



100 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



A hound of uncommon sagacity, however, hearing the cry of 
the Indians, and seeing them run, pursued them. Overtaking 
and passing by the first, and second, and third, he sprang 
upon the shoulders of the foremost and pulled him to the 
ground ; as the next Indian passed on, the dog, leaving the one 
already down, sprang upou his successor, and secured him in the 
same way. In like manner he served the third and fourth ; and 
then kept running from one to the other, pulling them down as 
fast as they rose, and barking so furiously, that the Indians 
were terrified and confounded, and the Spaniards were enabled 
to overtake and capture them, They were taken back to the 
camp and examined separately, for, as they were armed, the 
Spaniards apprehended some treachery ; but it appeared that 
their sudden flight was only by way of exploit to show their ad- 
dress and fleetness. 

This same hound had signalized himself on another occasion 
before the army reached Ocali. As several Indians and Span- 
iards were talking in a friendly way on the bank of a river, one 
of the Indians struck a Spaniard violently with his bow, and 
threw himself into the water, all his companions following him. 
The dog immediately sprang in after them, but passed by several 
of the Indians without molesting them until he came to the one 
who had committed the assault, when, laying hold of him, he tore 
him to pieces. 



CHAPTER m 

THE FATE OF THE HOUXD. 

1539. 

After repeated solicitations, the cacique Ocali. at the end of six 
days, ventured from his place of refuge, and visited the army, 
where he was well treated, although the Spaniards doubted much 
the sincerity of his professions. 

Hard by the village ran a wide and deep river, with precipi- 
tous banks. Notwithstanding it was the summer season, this river 
was too full of water to be fordable : it was necessary, therefore, to 
construct a wooden bridge for the army to pass. De Soto hav- 
ing treated with the cacique for a number of his subjects to aid 
in its construction, they went forth one day to decide upon the 
spot where it should be erected. As they were walking along the 
bank, conferring on the subject, more than five hundred Indians 
started up from among bushes and thickets, on the opposite bank 
of the river, crying, - ; You want a bridge, do you ? merciless 
robbers ! but you will never see it built by our hands !" Thus 
shouting, they let fly a volley of arrows towards the place where 
the cacique and governor were standing. 

De Soto demanded of his savage companion the meaning of 
this outrage, seeing he had given him pledges of his friendship. 



102 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



The cacique replied, that these were of a refractory party of his 
subjects, who had cast off allegiance to him on account of his at- 
tachment to the Spaniards, and that he was not therefore answer- 
able for their acts. 

It happened that the hound already mentioned was at hand, 
held in a leash by the governor's page. No sooner did he hear 
the yells and see the menacing actions of the Indians, than he 
was furious to get at them. In his struggles he drew the page 
along, threw him on the ground, and then breaking loose, 
plunged into the stream. The Spaniards called him back in 
vain. The Indians, knowing his valor and exploits, and the 
harm he had done to their countrymen, were glad of an opportu- 
nity to revenge themselves. They showered their arrows about 
him as he swam, and with such dexterous aim, that more than 
fifty struck him about the head and shoulders, which were above 
the water. Still the courageous animal kept on, and reached the 
land, but had scarcely left the water when he fell dead. His 
death was lamented by the governor and the army, as if it had 
been that of a brave warrior : for he had been of signal service 
throughout the expedition, a vigilant guardian of the camp by 
night, and a fierce champion by day. He was one of a rare and 
renowned race of dogs, several of which were noted for their 
feats in the course of the Spanish discoveries and conquests. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

THE SPANIARDS ENTER THE VAST PROVINCE OF VITACHUCO 

THEIR RECEPTION THERE. 

1539. 

De Soto saw that the chieftain Ocali was but lightly esteemed 
by his subjects, who disobeyed his commands with impunity ; 
and, thinking that the neighboring caciques might suppose he 
was detained against his will, gave him permission to go to his 
people, and revisit the camp whenever it pleased him. The 
cacique gladly availed himself of this offer, but declared he only 
went in order to bring his subjects into more perfect submission 
to the governor, which accomplished, he would joyfully rejoin the 
Spaniards. With these and many similar professions, he de- 
parted ; but never again showed his face in the camp. 

Upon the departure of the cacique, the Spaniards commenced 
constructing a bridge over the river. The work was superin- 
tended by one Francisco, a Genoese, the only shipwright in the 
army. He was likewise skilled in every kind of carpentering 
work, and by his art rendered incalculable services to the Span- 
iards throughout this expedition. Large planks were thrown 
upon the water, and these tied together with strong cords, which 
they had brought with them for such emergencies ; crossing and 
fastening the planks with immense poles laid on top. It was of 



104 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



sufficient strength for the passage of both men and horses. Hav- 
ing captured thirty Indians to serve as guides, the Spaniards 
crossed the bridge, and set forward on their march. 

After travelling about three days, the governor threw himself 
in the advance of the army, with a hundred horse, and a hundred 
foot ; and, pushing forward in the night, came by daybreak to 
the frontiers of a province, fifty leagues in breadth, called Vita- 
chuco. It was under the dominion of three brothers. The 
eldest, Yitachuco, bearing the name of the country over which 
he ruled, had five parts out of ten, the second brother governed 
three of the remaining five, and the youngest of the family, who 
was chief of the village of Ochile, and of the same name, possess- 
ed the residue. This was contrary to the usage of the other 
provinces through which the Spaniards had passed, in which the 
eldest son inherited all. 

It was scarce daybreak on the first day, when the governor 
and his advanced corps arrived at the village of Ochile. # It con- 
tained fifty large and strong dwellings, being a frontier post, for- 
tified against the adjacent provinces, with which it appeared this 
country was embroiled in warfare. 

De Soto and his little band rushed into the village, with 
clamor of drum and trumpet ; seized the Indians, as, terrified 
and amazed, they came forth from their houses, and surrounded 
the mansion of the cacique. This was built in form of one large 
pavilion, upwards of a hundred and twenty paces in length, and 
forty in breadth, with four doors ; a number of smaller buildings 
were connected with it like offices. 

The cacique had with him a guard of his principal warriors, 

* Williams says, this must have been south of the Allachua prairie. See 
Williams's Florida. 



CAPTURE OF OCHILE. 105 



and many others had hastened to his defence. He would have 
sallied forth and made battle, but the Spaniards had possession 
of the doors, and threatened to fire the house. At length, by 
sunrise, he was persuaded, through the mediation of Indian pris- 
oners and interpreters, to yield to the superior power of the 
Spaniards, and aceept their proffered friendship. The governor 
received him kindly, but kept him with him, while he set at liberty 
all the other prisoners, ordering his soldiers to treat them in the 
most friendly manner. 

The governor, however, did not feel himself secure. The 
neighborhood was populous ; the Indians, seeing the small num- 
ber of his band, might attempt a rescue of their cacique. Taking 
that chieftain with him, therefore, and a number of warriors who 
adhered to his fortunes, the governor marched out of the village, 
and returned in quest of the main body of his troops, whom he 
found encamped at three leagues distance, full of anxiety on 
account of his absence. 

The day following, the army entered Ochile; the foot and 
horse formed into squadrons, and trumpets, fifes, and drums 
sounding. The troops being quartered, the governor prevailed 
upon Ochile to send envoys to his two brothers, inviting them 
to accept the offer of peace of the Spaniards, and warning them 
of the disastrous consequences that would attend a refusal. 

The second brother, who was nearest, readily oomplied, and 
at the end of three days came accompanied by many of his war- 
riors gayly decorated. After kissing the hands of the governor, 
he entered into familiar conversation with the officers and dis- 
tinguished cavaliers of the army, asking the name of each, and 
bearing himself with as much ease as if be had been brought up 
amono' them. 



106 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



The elder brother, however, who was much the most powerful 
of the three, made no reply to the message, but detained the 
envoys by whom it was sent. The two brothers, by the persua- 
sion of De Soto, sent again other messengers with still more 
urgent counsel and entreaties. They represented the invincible 
power of the Spaniards, who were children of the sun and moon, 
their gods — that they had come from the remote region, where 
the sun rises, and withal, that they had with them animals called 
horses, so fleet, courageous, and powerful, that it was impossible 
to escape them by flight, or resist them by force. 

The answer of Vitachuco is given at length by the Inca 
Garcilaso de la Yega ; though he quotes it from memory, after a 
lapse of years ; and declares that he cannot vouch for its being 
arranged exactly in the order in which it was declared, or that 
it was the whole of what was said ; but he pledges his word 
that, as far as it goes, it is truly the message of the cacique. He 
declares that if the whole could be written as recounted by the 
envoys, none of the knights that the divine Ariosto or his pre- 
decessor, the illustrious and enamored Count Matheo Maria 
Boyardo, have introduced in their works, could equal in haughty 
spirit and extravagant bravado this savage chieftain. Without 
claiming for it all the praise so liberally awarded by this ancient 
author, still it shows the fiery spirit of this wild warrior, whose 
gallant efforts were, alas ! of but little avail against the resistless 
might of the Spanish invader. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

HAUGHTY MESSAGE OF THE CACIQUE VITACHUCO. 

1539. 

" It is evident enough," observes the cacique, in reply to the 
embassy of his brothers. '•'- that you are young, and have neither 
judgment nor experience, or you would never speak as you 
have done of these hated white men ! You extol them greatly 
as virtuous men, who injure no one. You say that they are 
valiant — that they are children of the sun, and merit all our 
reverence and service. The vile chains which they have hung 
upon you, and the mean and dastardly spirit which you have 
acquired during the short period you have been their slaves, 
have caused you to speak like women, lauding what you should 
censure and abhor. You remember not that these strangers can 
be no better than those who formerly committed so many cruel- 
ties in our country. Are they not of the same nation and sub- 
ject to the same laws? Do not their manner of life and actions 
prove them to be children of the Spirit of Evil, and not of the 
sun and the moon, our gods 1 Go they not from land to land 
plundering and destroying ; taking the wives and daughters of 
others instead of bringing their own with them : and, like mere 
vagabonds, maintaining themselves by the laborious toil and 

5* 



108 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



sweating brow of others ? Were they virtuous, as you represent, 
they never would have left their own country, since there they 
might have practised their virtues, planting and cultivating the 
earth, maintaining themselves without prejudice to others or in- 
jury to themselves ; instead of roving about the world committing 
robberies and murders, having neither the shame of men nor the 
fear of Grod before them. 

" Warn them not to enter into my dominions, for I vow that, 
as valiant as they may be, if they dare to put foot upon my 
soil, they shall never go out of my land alive — the whole race 
will I exterminate !"* 

This was the first reply of Vitachuco ; but he sent many 
others, insomuch that every day there arrived two or three In- 
dians, sounding always a trumpet, and bringing greater bravadoes 
and menaces than the last. The cacique thought to terrify them 
by the various and hideous supernatural deaths with which he 
menaced them. At one time he threatened, that the moment 
they entered his province the earth should open and swallow 
them ; that the hills by which the Spaniards would have to tra- 
vel should join together and bury them alive. Again, the trees 
of the forest through which they had to pass were to be blown 
down and crush them ; flights of birds were to hover over and 
pounce upon them, with corroding poison in their beaks. And 
again, that he would have the waters, herbs, trees, and even the 
air poisoned in such manner that neither horse nor rider, man 
nor beast, could escape with life. 

These extravagancies provoked the laughter of the Spaniards, 
who considered them the bravadoes of a vaporing spirit ; but 
the deeds of the cacique afterwards showed that they were the 

* The Inca, P. i. L. ii. c. 21. 



THE MISSION TO VITACHUCO, 109 



wishes and conceptions of a proud warrior; who, it is probable, 
was promised all these miracles in his favor by some Indian 
prophet, 

These and many other messages arrived during eight days 
lhat were spent by the governor in travelling about the domains 
of the two brothers, who did every thing in their power to 
gratify the Spaniards. At length the two brothers themselves 
departed on a mission to Vitachueo. The fierce chieftain pre- 
tended to be at length won by their persuasions, and agreed to 
enter into friendly intercourse with the -strangers : but he 
wished first to know how many days they would be in his 
domains, what quantity of provisions they would require when 
they departed, and what other things would be necessarv for 
their journey. 

The two brothers sent an envoy to De Soto with this mes- 
sage, who replied, that they would not sojourn in the territory 
of Yitachuco longer than he desired them to remain, nor did 
they wish any more provisions than he saw fit to give them, 
neither had they need of any thing besides his friendship. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

THE CACIQUE VITACHUCO DISSEMBLES HIS PLOT TO DESTROY THE 

SPANIARDS. 

1539. 

Yitachuco pretended to be well contented with the reply of 
the governor, a day was appointed for their meeting, and the 
cacique ordered an abundant supply of provisions for the troops 
and horses to be brought from all parts of his domains, and de- 
posited in the chief village. 

On the appointed day he went forth from his village, accom- 
panied by his two brothers and five hundred Indian warriors^ 
all graceful men, adorned with plumes of various colors, and 
armed with bows and arrows of the finest workmanship. At the 
distance of two leagues they found the governor, encamped with 
his army in a beautiful valley. 

Their meeting was cordial, and the cacique endeavored to 
atone for past threats and menaces, by professions of present 
amity and promises of future services and allegiance, all which 
were graciously received by De Soto. 

Vitachuco was about thirty-five years of age, of very good 
stature, and strongly formed, as the Indians of Florida generally 
were, and evinced in his countenance the bravery of his spirit. 

The ensuing day the Spaniards entered in order of battle, 



PERFIDIOUS PLOT OF THE CHIEF. Ill 



into the principal village, bearing the same name as the cacique.* 
It consisted of two hundred houses, large and strong, besides 
many others of smaller size in the suburbs. The governor and 
his body-guards and servants, together with the three brother 
caciques, lodged in the house of Vitachuco, as it was of ample 
size to accommodate them all. 

Two days were passed in feasting and rejoicing. On the 
third day, the two brothers of Yitachuco obtained leave to re- 
turn to their respective territories, and departed, well pleased 
with the good treatment and the many presents they had re- 
ceived from the Spaniards. 

After their departure, Yitachuco redoubled his courtesy and 
kindness to the Spaniards, and seemed as if he thought he could 
not do enough to serve and gratify them. Five days only had 
elapsed, however, when Juan Ortiz came to the governor, and 
informed him of a perfidious plot devised by the cacique, and 
which had been revealed to him by four of the Indian interpret- 
ers. He had selected several thousand of his bravest warriors, 
and ordered them to conceal their weapons in the thicket near 
the village, and to appear at all times unarmed, so as to throw 
the Spaniards off their guard. On an appointed day he was to 
invite the governor to go forth and see a general muster of his 
subjects, drawn up in battle array, though without weapons, that 
he might know what a number of Indian allies he had at his 
command for his future conquests. 

Trusting that the governor, from the amity existing between 

* Mr. Fairbanks is inclined to fix the site of Vitachuco on what is now 
known as the "Wacahautu prairie, winch is partly wet and partly dry, and is 
about fifteen miles west of Micanopy. He says that in this vicinity are nu- 
merous lakes and prairies which might be taken as the scene of the battle. 



112 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



them, would go forth carelessly and alone, a dozen of the fiercest 
and most powerful Indians were suddenly to seize him and 
bear him into the midst of the warriors ; who, seizing their arms, 
were to attack the Spaniards in their camp. In this way, be- 
tween the suprise of the sudden assault, and the dismay at the 
capture of their general, he trusted to have an easy conquest : in 
which case, he intended to make good his extravagant menaces, 
and inflict on his prisoners all kinds of cruel and tormenting 
deaths. 

The Adelantado having consulted with his captains, it was 
determined to take Vitachuco in the same way that he intended 
to take the governor ; so that he would thus fall into his own 
snare. For that purpose, twelve of the stoutest soldiers were 
selected, to be near the governor at the time he should go forth 
to view the Indian army, and at a certain signal were to seize 
upon the cacique. These things being concerted in secret, the 
Spaniards watched Vitachuco's movements, but at the same time 
maintained an air of careless unconcern. 

The day so much desired having arrived, Vitachuco came to 
the governor early in the morning, and, with much humility and 
seeming veneration, begged him to confer a great favor on him- 
self and all his subjects, by going out of the camp to behold 
them arranged in order of battle, that he might know the num- 
ber that were at his service, and might see whether the Indians 
of this country knew how to form their squadrons as well as 
other nations who he had heard were skilled in the art of war. 

The governor replied, with an unsuspicious air, that he would 
rejoice greatly to see them ; and that, to make the display more 
striking, and furnish the Indians likewise with a sight, he would 
order his horse and foot-soldiers to go out and place themselves in 



THE MOCK FIGHT AGREED TO. 113 



squadrons ; and have a mock fight for each other's entertain- 
ment. 

The cacique did not much relish this proposition, but agreed 
to the arrangement ; trusting to the number and valor of his 
vassals to overthrow the Spaniards, be they ever so well pre- 
pared. 



CHAPTER XX. 

BATTLE WITH VITACHUCO. 
1539. 

All things being arranged, the Spaniards marched forth, horse 
and foot, in battle array, with glittering arms and fluttering 
banners. As to the governor, he remained behind, to accom- 
pany the cacique on foot, the better to appear unsuspicious of the 
latent treason. He went, however, secretly armed ; and he or- 
dered two of his finest horses to be led forth caparisoned for ser- 
vice. One of these is especially mentioned as a beautiful and 
noble-spirited animal. He was named Aceytuno, after Mateo 
de Aceytuno, a cavalier who had made him a present to the 
governor. 

Near the village was a large plain. It had on one side a 
dense forest, on the other, two lakes : the one about a league 
in circumference, clear of trees, but so deep, that three or four 
feet from the bank no footing could be found. The second, 
which was at greater distance from the village, was more than 
half a league in width, and appeared like a vast river, extending 
as far as the eye could reach. Between the forest and these two 
lakes, the Indians formed their squadrons, having the lakes on 
their right flank, and the forest on the left. Their bows and 
arrows were concealed in the grass, in order that they might 
appear to be totally unarmed. Their force might be about ten 



VITACHUCO IS CAPTURED. 115 



thousand, chosen warriors, with lofty plumes, which increased 
their apparent height : and. being drawn out with somewhat of 
military order, they made a beautiful display. 

The cacique and Hernando de Soto came forth on foot, each 
accompanied by twelve of his people, and each burning with the 
same spirit and determination against the other. The Spanish 
troops were to the right of the governor : the infantry drawn up 
near to the forest, and the cavalry advanced into the plain. 

It was between nine and ten of the morning, when De Soto 
and Yitachuco arrived at the spot, which the latter had fixed 
upon for the seizure of the governor. Before the cacique, how- 
ever, could make his preconcerted signal, a Spanish trumpet- 
gave a warning blast.* In an instant the twelve Spaniards 
rushed upon the cacique. His attendant Indians threw them- 
selves before him. and endeavoured to repel the assailants, but 
in vain. He was borne off captive. 

At the same time. De Soto leaped upon his favorite steed 
Aceytuno. and spurred him upon the thickest of the enemy, with 
that headlong valor which always distinguished him in battle. 
The Indians had already seized their weapons. Their first ranks 
were thrown into confusion by the impetuous charge of De Soto ; 
but as he pressed forward, a shower of arrows came whistling 
about him. They were principally aimed at his horse, the Indi- 
ans always seeking most to kill these animals, knowing their 
importance in battle. Four of the arrows wounded the generous 
animal in the knees, four pierced him in the breast, and he fell 
to the earth dead, as if shot by a piece of artillery, t 

* Portuguese Narrative, e. 11. 

f Herrera. De^ad vi L. \ii e. 11. Garcilaso de la Vega, P. i. L. iL c 23. 
Portuguese Xarrative. ell. 



116 CONQUEST OP FLORIDA. 



In the mean time, the Spanish troops, at the trumpet signal, 
had assailed the Indian squadrons, and came up at this critical 
moment to the aid of their general. One of his pages named 
Viota, a youth of noble birth, sprang from his horse and aided 
De Soto to mount him. The governor, once more on horse- 
back, put himself at the head of his cavalry, and spurred among 
the Indians. The latter had no lances to defend themselves ; 
and, being assailed by three hundred horse, broke and fled in 
every direction. A great number of those who were in the rear 
took refuge among the entangled thickets of the forest ; others 
threw themselves into the large lake and escaped, while others 
scattered themselves wildly over the plain, where more than 
three hundred were killed, and a few taken. 

The worse fate attended the vanguard, composed of the brav- 
est warriors ; who are always doomed to fare the worst in battle. 
After receiving the first charge of the cavalry, they fled ; but, 
being unable to reach either the forest or the large lake, more 
than nine hundred threw themselves into the smaller one. Here 
they were surrounded by the Spaniards, who endeavored by 
threats and promises, and occasional shots from their cross-bows, 
and arquebusses, to induce them to surrender. The Indians 
replied only by flights of arrows. As the lake was too deep to 
give them footing, three or four would cling together, and sup- 
port each other by swimming, while one would mount upon their 
backs, and ply his bow and arrows. In this way an incessant 
skirmishing was kept up all day long ; numbers of the Indians 
were slain, all their arms were exhausted, yet no one gave signs 
of surrendering. 

When night came, the Spaniards posted themselves round 
the lake, the horse by two and two, the foot in parties of six, 



i 



SURRENDER OF THE INDIAN'S. Ill 



near to each other, lest the Indians should escape in the dark. 
Some of the latter endeavored to save themselves, by covering 
their heads with the leaves of water-lilies, and swimming noise- 
lessly to the shore ; but the watchful troopers, perceiving the 
turmoil and bubbling in the water, would spur their horses to 
the bank, and drive the Indians again into the channel,* in 
hopes of tiring them out. and thus forcing them to capitulate ; 
for, while the Spaniards threatened them with death if they did 
not yield, they offered them peace and friendship if they would 
surrender. 

So obstinate were they, however, that midnight arrived before 
one of them submitted, although they had passed fourteen hours 
in the water. At length, the intercessions of Juan Ortiz, and 
the four Indian interpreters, began to have effect. The most 
weary would render themselves, one and two at a time, but so 
slowly, that by the dawn of day not more than fifty had surren- 
dered. The residue seeing that these were kindly treated, and 
being admonished by them, now gave themselves up in greater 
numbers, but still slowly and reluctantly. Some when near the 
bank would return to the middle of the lake, until the love of 
life compelled them to yield. At length, at ten o'clock, two 
hundred came to shore at the same time, and surrendered them- 
selves, after having been swimming four and twenty hours. 
They were in wretched condition, swollen with the water they 
had swallowed, and overcome with fatigue, hunger, and the want 
of sleep. There still remained seven Indians in the lake, men 
of such unconquerable spirit that neither the prayers of the 
interpreters, the promises of the governor, nor the example of 
their comrades, who had surrendered, had any effect upon them.f 

* Portuguese Narrative, c. 11. f Ibid. 



118 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



They treated all promises with scorn, and defied both menaces 
and death. In this way they remained until three in the after- 
noon, and would have remained there until they died. The go- 
vernor, however, was struck with admiration of their courage and 
magnanimity, and thought it would be inhuman to allow such 
brave men to perish. He ordered twelve Spaniards therefore, 
expert swimmers, to go into the lake with their swords in their 
mouths, and draw these warriors forth. The Indians were too 
much exhausted to resist ; the Spaniards seized them by the legs, 
the arms, and hair, drew them to land, and threw them upon the 
bank, where they lay extended upon the sand, more dead than 
alive f having, according to the Spanish narrator, been for thirty 
hours in the water, apparently without putting foot to the ground 
or receiving any other relief: an exploit, adds the Inca historian, 
almost incredible, and which I would not dare to write, if it were 
not for the authority of so many cavaliers and nobles, who, in the 
Indies, and in Spain, assured me of the truth of it, besides the 
authority of him who related this history to me, and who, in all 
things, is worthy of belief. 

The reader, however, without questioning the veracity of the 
cavaliers, will be prone to surmise that the Indians were enabled, 
from time to time, to snatch a few moments of repose, on shallows 
near the banks of the lake. 

The heroic obstinacy of the seven Indians had extorted the 
admiration of the Spaniards. Moved to compassion by their pre- 
sent deplorable state, they bore them to the encampment, and 

* The Portuguese Narrative adds, that they were immediately put into 
irons. The Inca's account, however, of the treatment of the Spaniards 
towards these brave warriors, is more in unison with the generous nature of 
De Soto. 



J 



HEROISM OF THE SAVAGES. 119 



used such assiduous means, that they were restored to animation 
in the course of the night. 

The next morning, the governor summoned them before him, 
and pretending to be angry, demanded the reason of their des- 
perate resistance, and why they had not surrendered themselves 
as their companions had done. 

Four of them, who were in the prime of manhood, replied, that 
they were leaders, or captains, chosen as such by their cacique, 
from his confidence in their courage and constancy. Their ac- 
tions were to justify his choice. They were bound to set an ex- 
ample to their children, to their brother warriors, and above all 
to such as should thenceforth be appointed as leaders. They felt 
as if, being alive, they had failed in fulfilling their duty and vin- 
dicating their honor ; and, while they acknowledged the kindness 
of the governor, regretted only that he had not left them to perish 
in the lake. " If you want to add to your favors," said they, 
" take our lives. After surviving the defeat and capture of our 
chieftain, we are not worthy to appear before him, or to live in 
the world."* 

The governor listened with admiration to the heroic words of 
these savage warriors ; and when they had finished, he turned to 
their three companions, who had remained silent. These were 
young men not more than eighteen years of age, sons and heirs 
to caciques of the adjacent provinces. The governor demanded 
of them their reason for persisting so desperately in their defence, 
as they were not leaders, nor bound by the same obligations as 
their companions. 

They replied, that they had been incited to hostility, not 

* Garcilaso de la Vega, P. i. L. ii. c. 25. Herrera, Decad. vi. L. vii. c. 11. 



120 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



through a desire for gain, or through any implacable spirit against 
the Spaniards, but merely from a thirst for glory. That although 
they were not chiefs, yet as the sons of caciques, and destined one 
day to be caciques themselves, they felt bound more than all 
others to signalize themselves by bravery in action, and by a con- 
tempt for suffering and death. " These, offspring of the sun !" 
said they, " are the reasons for our obstinate hostility : if they 
are sufficient in your eyes, pardon us ; if not, we are at your 
mercy. Strike us dead, for nothing is prohibited to the con- 
queror." 

The noble spirit and heroic words of these youths charmed 
the Spaniards, and their hearts were touched at seeing them ex- 
posed so young to such adversity. The governor, likewise, who 
was of a compassionate nature, was moved to pity. He embraced 
them as if they were his own sons ; commending their valor and 
heroism, which he considered as proofs of noble blood, and illus- 
trious descent. 

For two days he detained them in the camp, feasting them 
at his table, and treating them with every distinction ; at the 
end of which time, he dismissed them with presents of linen, 
cloths, silks, mirrors, and other articles of Spanish manufacture. 
He also sent by them presents to their fathers and other rela- 
tions, with proffers of his friendship. The young caciques took 
leave of him with many expressions of gratitude, and departed 
joyfully for their homes, accompanied by a number of their coun- 
trymen whom he had liberated. 

As to the four captive leaders, they were retained as prison- 
ers, and on the following day were summoned before the gov- 
ernor, with their cacique Vitachuco. De Soto reproached them 
with the treacherous and murderous plot devised against him 



I 



DISPOSAL OF THE CAPTIVES. 121 



and his soldiers, at a time when they were professing the kindest 
amity. Such treason, he observed, merited death : yet he 
wished to giye the natives an evidence of his clemency : he 
pardoned them, therefore, and restored them to his friendship ; 
warning them, however, to beware how they again deceived him, 
or trespassed against the safety and welfare of Spaniards, lest 
they should bring down upon themselves dire and terrible 
revenge. 

The Indians who had come out of the lake and surrendered 
themselves, were distributed among the Spaniards to serve them 
as menials, during their sojourn in the province. This was 
partly as a punishment to them for their participation in the late 
treason, and partly as an example to warn the neighboring 
Indians from like aggressions. 



If 



CHAPTER XXL 

DEATH OF VITACHUCO AND HIS WARRIORS. 
1539. 

Vitachuco now remained in some sort a prisoner in his own 
house, but was treated with great kindness and respect, and 
dined at the governor's table. Rage and hatred, however, 
rankled in his heart ; and he soon conceived another scheme of 
vengeance. Nine hundred of his most noble, valiant, and well- 
tried warriors, were dispersed among the Spaniards ; equalling 
the latter in number, and, as he thought, in personal prowess. 
They attended their new masters as slaves at meal times, when 
the Spaniards would be seated, off their guard, and many of 
them without weapons. At such a moment, he conceived it 
would be easy, by a preconcerted movement, to strike a signal 
blow, and rid themselves at once of their oppressions. 

Scarcely had Vitachuco conceived this rash scheme, than he 
hastened to put it into operation. He had four young Indians 
to attend him as pages. These he sent to the principal prison- 
ers, revealing his plan, with orders that they should pass it 
secretly and adroitly from one to another, and hold themselves 
in readiness, at the appointed time, to carry it into effect. The 
dinner hour of the third day was the time fixed upon for striking 



HASH SCHEME OF THE CACIQUE 123 



the blow. Yitachuco would be dining with the governor, and 
the Indians in general attending upon their respective masters. 
The cacique was to watch his opportunity, spring upon the 
governor and kill him • giving, at the moment of assault, a war- 
whoop that should resound throughout the village. The war- 
whoop was to be the signal for every Indian to grapple with his 
master, or with any other Spaniard at hand, and dispatch him on 
the spot. 

Many of the Indians saw the madness of this second project ; 
but, accustomed to yield implicit obedience to their chiefs, prom- 
ised to carry it through or perish in the attempt. 

On the day appointed, Vitachuco dined as usual at the table 
of the governor. When the repast was concluded, he straight- 
ened himself upon the bench upon which he was seated, and 
twisting his body from side to side, stretched first one arm, then 
the other, to the full extent, with clenched fists, then drew them 
up so that his fists rested on his shoulders, then jerked them out 
two or three times, until every joint cracked like a snapped reed. 
In this way the Indians of Florida used to rally their strength 
when about to undertake any extraordinary feat. 

After this preparation he sprang upon his feet, closed in- 
stantly with the governor, seized him with the left hand by the 
collar, and with the other fist dealt him such a blow in the face 
as to level him with the ground, the blood gushing out of 
eyes, nose, and mouth. The cacique threw himself upon his 
victim to finish his work, giving, at the same time, the signal 
war-whoop. 

All this was the work of an instant, and before the officers 
present had time to recover from their astonishment, the gov- 
ernor lay senseless beneath the tiger grasp of Vitachuco, One 



124 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



more How from the savage would have been fatal ; hut before he 
could give it, a dozen swords and lances were thrust through his 
body, and he fell dead. 

The war-whoop had resounded throughout the village. At 
hearing the fated signal, the Indians attending upon their mas- 
ters, assailed them with whatever weapon or missile they could 
command : some seized upon pikes and swords ; others snatched 
up the pots in which meat was stewing at the fire, and, beating 
the Spaniards about the head, bruised and scalded them at the 
same time ; some caught up plates, pitchers, jars, and the pestles 
wherewith they pounded the maize ; others the bones remaining 
from the repast ; and others seized upon stools, benches, and 
tables, striking with impotent fury when their weapons had not 
the power to harm ; others snatched up burning firebrands, and 
rushed like very devils into the affray. 

Many of the Spaniards were terribly burnt, bruised, and 
scalded ; some had their arms broken ; others were maimed by 
sticks and stones. One was knocked down by his slave with a 
firebrand, and beset by three other Indians, who dashed out his 
brains. 

Another was assailed with blows, his teeth knocked out, and 
he was on the point of falling a sacrifice, when some Spaniards 
came to his assistance. The savage assailant fled and mounted 
a hand-ladder into a granary opening upon a court-yard, taking 
with him a lance which he found leaning against the wall. The 
Spaniards attempted to ascend after him, but he planted himself 
in the door-way, and defended the entrance so bravely with the 
lance, that no one dared to approach him* At length, Diego de 
Soto, a relative of the governor, arrived in the court-yard, 

* Portuguese Narrative, c. 11. 



DEATH OF VITACHUCO. 125 



armed with a cross-bow. He presented it and took aim. The 
Indian never attempted to draw back or screen himself; his 
object was, not to save his life, but to sell it as dearly as possi- 
ble. At the instant that De Soto drew the bow he threw the 
lance. The steeled point grazed the right shoulder of the Span- 
iard, and the shaft knocked him down upon his knees, pass- 
ing half a length beyond, and remaining quivering in the 
ground. The aim of De Soto was more certain. His shaft 
pierced the Indian through the breast, and killed him on the 
spot. 

It was fortunate for the Spaniards that most of the Indians 
were in chains, and none of them were regularly armed, other- 
wise their assault would have been attended with great carnage. 
As it was, many of the Spaniards were maimed and mangled, and 
four were slain before the savages could be overpowered. 

Some of the Spaniards were so exasperated at the wounds 
they had received, and at the intelligence of the maltreatment 
of the governor, that they wreaked their fury upon every 
Indian in their power. Others, who were cavaliers, thought it 
beneath their dignity to take away the lives of slaves. They 
brought their prisoners, therefore, to the grand square of the vil- 
lage, and delivered them into the hands of the archers of the gen- 
eral's guard, who dispatched them with their halberts. 

Among the cavaliers who thus brought their captive slaves to 
be executed, was one of a small and delicate form, named Fran- 
cisco de Saldafia. He entered the square, leading after him a 
powerful Indian, by a cord tied round his neck. No sooner, 
however, did the savage perceive what was passing, and the fate 
that awaited him, than he closed upon Saldafia as he walked 
before him, seized him with one hand by the neck and with the 



126 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



other by the thigh, raised him like a child, turned him topsy- 
turvy with his head downwards, and dashed him to the ground 
with a violence that stunned him. Jumping then upon his body 
he would have dispatched him in an instant had not a number 
of Spaniards rushed with drawn swords to his rescue. The 
Indian seized Saldafia's sword, and received them so bravely, that 
though there were more than fifty, he kept them all at bay. 
Grasping the sword with both hands, he threw himself into the 
midst of them, whirling himself round like a wheel, and dealing 
about blows so rapidly and madly that no one dare oppose him, 
and they wore obliged to shoot him down with their firearms.* 

These, and many similar scenes of desperate valor, occurred 
in this wild affray. That the interpreters and the Indian allies 
who had accompanied the army from the other provinces might 
be embroiled with the natives of the neighborhood, so that they 
would not dare thenceforward to abandon the Spaniards, they 
were compelled to aid in the destruction of the prisoners, many 
of whom were tied to stakes in the public square, and shot down 
with their arrows. f 

In these battles, and the subsequent massacres, fell Vita- 
chuco and thirteen hundred of his warriors, the flower of his 
nation, among whom were the four brave leaders who had sur- 
vived from the lake. 

* Portuguese Narrative, c. 11. 

f Idem. The Portuguese narrator calls the village where this affray took 
place Napataca. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

THE ARMY PASS THROUGH THE PROVINCE OF OSACHILE COME TO 

A VAST MORASS SEVERE SKIRMISHING WITH THE SAVAGE.S 

PREPARATIONS TO CROSS THE GREAT MORASS. 

1539. 

The blow which Hernando de Soto received from Vitachuco had 
been so violent that it was half an hour before he recovered his 
senses. His whole face was bruised and disfigured, and several 
of his teeth were broken, so that for twenty days he could par- 
take of no solid food. It was necessary to remain four days in 
the village, before he and his wounded soldiers were sufficiently 
recovered to bear a journey. On the fifth day he resumed his 
march, departing in search of another province, called Osachile.* 
The first day they journeyed four leagues, and encamped on 
the bank of a large and deep river, which divides the two prov- 
inces, and over which it was necessary to throw a bridge. t They 
had scarcely begun their preparations, however, when they beheld 
the Indians on the opposite side in hostile array. Abandoning 
the construction of the bridge, they hastily formed six rafts, on 
which a hundred men passed over, cross-bow men and arquebu- 

* This name is spelled UzachiL by the Portuguese narrator, 
f Believed to be the Suwanee. 



128 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



siers, and fifty horsemen, carrying with them the saddles for their 
horses. 

As soon as these reached the land, their horses were driven 
into the water, and made to swim across. Their owners received 
them on the shore, saddled and mounted them immediately, 
and galloped out into the plain. At sight of them the Indians 
took to flight ; and the Spaniards worked without molestation 
at the bridge, which was finished in a day and a half. 

The army passed the river, and after travelling two leagues 
through a country free from woods, came to large fields of maize, 
beans, and pumpkins, with scattered habitations. While they 
were dispersed about the field a number of Indians, lurking in 
ambush among the grain, assailed them with flights of arrows, by 
which many of them were wounded. The Spaniards started in pur- 
suit of them lance in hand. There was some sharp skirmishing ; 
many natives were wounded, and a few taken prisoners. The 
latter had chains put about their necks, and were distributed 
among the soldiers : and made to carry the baggage, pound the 
maize, and fulfil other servile employments.* 

The Spaniards arrived at Osachile, a village about ten leagues 
from that of Vitachuco. It contained two hundred houses, 
which were deserted, the cacique and his people having fled to the 
woods, terrified by the rumors of the sanguinary massacre of 
Vitachuco. f The governor sent proffers of peace and friendship 
to him by the Indian prisoners. He made no reply, however, 
neither did any of the envoys return. 

The village of Osachile:}; resembled most of the Indian vil- 

* Portuguese Narrative, c. 12. f Idem. 

\ Williams thinks this is the Tallahasoche of the Seminoles, near Mico, in 
Hamilton county ; but we are inclined to believe, with Mr. Fairbanks, that 



ARTIFICIAL MOUNDS. 129 



lages of Florida. The natives always endeavored to build upon 
high ground, or at least to erect the houses of the cacique or 
chief upon an eminence. As the country was very level, and 
high places seldom to be found, they constructed artificial 
mounds of earth, the top of each being capable of containing 
from ten to twenty houses. Here resided the cacique, his family, 
and attendants. At the foot of this hill was a square, according 
to the size of the village, around which were the houses of the 
leaders and most distinguished inhabitants. The rest of the 
people erected their wigwams as near to the dwelling of their 
chief as possible. 

An ascent in a straight line, from fifteen to twenty feet wide, 
led to the top of the hillock, and was flanked on each side by 
trunks of trees, joined one to another, and thrust deep into the 
earth : other trunks of trees formed a kind of stairway. All the 
other sides of the mound were steep and inaccessible. 

Many of the artificial mounds noticed by the traveller at the 
present day, and about which there has been so much curious 
and learned speculation, were doubtless artificial structures 
thrown up by the natives for the purposes here given. These 
mounds of earth seem to be for similar purposes with those of 
stone, on which are erected the ancient edifices found in Central 
America. 

While in the village of Osachile, the Spaniards learnt that 
that they were not far from the province of Apalachee, the 
country of the Apalachians. Of this province they had heard 
much as to its great extent and fertility, and the bravery and 

this was Suwanee Old Town, which he says has good hammack land about 
it, and is a very old Indian town. The river OscUla may take its name from 
this old Indian village and province. 



130 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



ferocity of its inhabitants. Througout their march the Indians 
had predicted that the warriors of Apalachee would transfix 
them with their lances, hew them in pieces, or consume them 
with fire. De Soto was little moyed by their menaces ; his great 
desire was to see this boasted province ; and, if it were as fertile 
and abundant as represented, to winter there. He remained, 
therefore, but two days in Osachiie, at the end of which he re- 
sumed his march. 

The Spaniards were three days traversing an uninhabited 
desert, twelve leagues in extent, which lay between the two pro- 
vinces, and about noon on the fourth day arrived at a great 
morass.* It was bordered by forests of huge and lofty trees, 
with a dense underwood of thorns and brambles, and clambering 
vines, so interwoven and matted together as to form a perfect 
barrier. Through this the Indians had made a narrow path, 
scarce wide enough for two persons to walk abreast. In the 
centre of the morass was a sheet of water half a league in 
width, and as far as the eye could reach in extent. 

* This is supposed by Mr. M'Culloch and others to hare been the great 
Swamp of Okefenokee, lying in lat. 31° North, on the frontiers of Georgia 
and Florida ; but we are inclined to agree with Mr. Fairbanks, that it was 
the swamp at the head of the Estauhatchee, a river emptying into the Gulf 
He remarks that it could not have been the Okefenokee, as that is 150 miles 
nearly from Apalache, and is altogether unlike the morass, and no Indian 
highway goes through it ; its diameter being 12 or 15 miles. Almost any wet 
Florida swamp at the head of a river would answer the description given of 
the morass crossed by De Soto. He adds, that from Iris personal knowledge of 
the country, he feels quite confident that the course we have thus far marked 
out must be nearly, if not exactly the one taken ; and the fact that the 
Seminoles kept the whole army of the United States at bay for seven years, 
and now require to be bought out, is itself an evidence of the nature of 
the country. Vide Kerr's Voyages and Travels, Vol. v. p. 466. M'Culloch's 
Researches, p. 524. Darby's Florida, p. 19, 20. 



ENCOUNTER WITH THE INDIANS. 131 



De Soto encamped at an early hour on a fine plain on the 
skirts of the forest, and ordered out a hundred cross-bowmen, 
archers, and pikemen, with thirty horse and twelve expert 
swimmers, to explore the passage of the morass, ascertain the 
depth of the water, and search for a ford, against the following 
day. 

They had penetrated but a little distance, when they were 
opposed by Indian warriors. The passage, however, was so nar- 
row, and so completely walled on each side by thorny and im- 
pervious forest, that not more than the two foremost of each 
vanguard could come to blows. The Spaniards, therefore, or- 
dered two of the stoutest to the front, armed with sword and 
buckler, followed by two cross-bowmen and archers. In this 
way they drove the Indians before them until they came to the 
water. Here, as both parties could scatter themselves, and had 
room for action, there was some hard fighting. 3Iany good 
shots were given, and several were killed and wounded on both 
sides. 

Finding it impossible, under such heavy fire, to examine the 
depth of the water, the Spaniards sent word to the governor, 
who came to their aid, with the best soldiers of the army. The 
enemy likewise received a reinforcement, and the battle became 
more fierce and bloody. Both fought to their waists in the 
water, stumbling about among thorns and brambles, and twisted 
roots, and the sunken trunks of fallen trees. As the Spaniards 
were aware that it would not do to return without discovering 
the pass, they continued to charge the enemy with great impetu- 
osity, and succeeded in driving them out of the water. They 
found that the narrow pass through the forest continued through 

the water, being cleared of thorns and roots and sunken trees. 

6* 



132 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



so that the Indians could wade up to their middles, excepting 
about forty paces of the mid-channel, where it was too deep to 
be forded. This they passed by a bridge of two trees fastened 
together. The opposite side of the morass was bordered by the 
same kind of impervious forest as the other, and, like it, tra- 
ver§*d by a narrow Indian path. The distance through the two 
forests, and across the morass, was about a league and a half. 

The governor, having well reconnoitered the pass, returned 
with his men to the encampment. Here he held a council of 
war, in which the difficulties and dangers of the case were dis- 
cussed, and the mode of meeting them determined upon. 

It was arranged that two hundred picked men should be 
thrown in the advance to secure the pass, and prepare the way 
for the passage of the main body. One hundred of these were 
to be horsemen, and one hundred foot-soldiers. The former 
being better armed than the infantry, and protected by bucklers, 
always received less injury from the arrows of the enemy ; they 
were, therefore, to take the lead on foot, as horses would only 
be an embarrassment in such a narrow pass. In this way they 
would, as it were, form a shield to the hundred foot-soldiers, 
consisting of arquebusiers and archers. 

They were all to be provided with bills, hatchets, and other 
implements for clearing an encamping place in the opposite for- 
est, on the side of the morass ; for, as the Spaniards would have 
to pass the narrow ford one by one, in the face of a ferocious 
enemy, it would be impossible for the whole army to traverse 
the morass and both borders of woodland in one day. It ap- 
peared advisable, therefore, to make a lodgment in the opposite 
forest.* 

* Garcilaso de la Vega, P. ii L. ii. c. 1. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

OF THE PERILOUS PASSAGE OP THE GREAT MORASS. 

1539. 

All the requisite preparations being made, two hundred picked 
men sallied out of the encampment, each carrying in his bosom 
his day's allowance, consisting of a little boiled or toasted maize. 
Two hours before dawn they traversed the defile of the forest, 
as silently as possible, until they reached the water. They soon 
found the ford where the stones and roots and sunken logs 
had been cleared away ; keeping along this they came to the 
bridge of fallen trees and logs, across the deepest part of the 
channel. This they passed without molestation from the Indi- 
ans, who had left the whole pass unguarded, not imagining that 
the Spaniards would dare to penetrate the dense forest, or ford 
the deep and perilous passage of the morass by night. 

When they perceived at daybreak, however, that they had 
passed the bridge, they rushed with cries and howls to dispute 
the passage of the morass yet to be traversed, which was about 
a quarter of a league. The Spaniards received their attack man- 
fully : both parties fought up to the middle in water. The In- 
dians were soon repulsed and driven into the defile of the oppo- 
site forest, into which they could only enter one at a time. This 
defile being so narrow, and walled in by an impervious forest, it 



134 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA, 



was easy to blockade the passage and keep the enemy from sally- 
ing forth. Forty men were ordered to do so, while the remain- 
ing hundred and fifty went to work to cut down trees and clear 
a place for the army to encamp. 

In this manner they remained all the day, the Indians in the 
bosom of the forest shouting and yelling, as if to frighten with 
their noise those whom they would not engage with their arms ; 
some of the Spaniards watching, the others felling trees and 
burning the fallen timber. When night came, each one remained 
where he chanced to be. Disturbed by the yells of the Indians, 
and obliged to maintain a constant vigil, the Spaniards passed a 
sleepless night. 

The next morning the troops undertook the passage, and al- 
though they met with no opposition, found many difficulties in 
the ford, and, being obliged to pass one by one, were the whole 
day in crossing. 

By night they were all encamped on the cleared ground, 
where, however, they enjoyed but little sleep, in consequence of 
the yells and attacks of the enemy. 

At break of day they pressed forward through the defile 
of the second forest, driving the Indians slowly before them, 
who retreated step by step, plying their bows incessantly, so 
that every inch of the way had to be won at the edge of the 
sword. 

At length, after fighting onward for half a league, they 
emerged from this dense and thorny forest into more open wood- 
land. Here, however, the Indians, foreseeing more scope for the 
horses, had taken precautions accordingly. 

It was in a part of this very morass, though not in this im- 
mediate neighborhood, that Pamphilo de Narvaez had been de- 



DESPERATE ATTACK OF THE INDIANS. 135 



feated about ten or eleven years before ; and the Indians, profit- 
ing by the experience then gained, and encouraged by the recol- 
lection of that triumph, trusted for like success in the present 
instance. 

To render the much dreaded horses ineffective, they had 
blocked up and traversed the open places of the forest with great 
logs, and branches tied from tree to tree ; and in the close 
and matted parts had made narrow passages by which they 
might dart forth, make an assault, and vanish again in an 
instant. 

As soon, therefore, as the Spaniards entered this more open 
woodland, they were assailed by showers of arrows from every 
side. The Indians, scattered about among the thickets, sallied 
forth, plied their bows with intense rapidity, and plunged again 
into the forest, The horses were of no avail ; the arquebusiers 
and archers seemed no longer a terror ; for in the time a Span- 
iard could make one discharge and reload his musket, or place 
another bolt in his cross-bow. an Indian would launch six or 
seven arrows : scarce had one arrow taken flight before another 
was in the bow. 

In their hampered situation, the Spaniards found it impossi- 
ble to assault the enemy ; their only alternative was to defend 
themselves and press forward. All the while, too, that they were 
exposed to this galling fire, they were insulted by the taunts 
and threats of the enemy, who reminded them of their victory 
over Pamphilo de Narvaez, and menaced them with a like 
defeat. 

For two long leagues did the Spaniards toil and fight their 
way forward through this forest : irritated and mortified by 
these galling attacks, vexatious taunts, and the impossibility of 



136 OONQUhST OK FLORIDA. 



retaliating; at length they ornorged into an open and level 
country. J fere, overjoyed at being freed from this forest prison, 
they gave reins to their horses and i'rcjt vent to their smothered 
rage, and scoured the plain, lancing and cutting down every 
Indian they encountered, out of revenge of their own annoyances, 
and of the past defeat of Narvaez. But few of the enemy were 
taken prisoners ; many were put to the sword ; and thus did 
they suffer severely for the presumptuous confidence inspired by 
their former triumph over- Spaniards.* 

* GarcUaso de la Vc^i, l\ ii. L. iL c. 2. Herrera, Hist. Lid., Decad. vl L. 

vii. C. 12. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

THE INDIANS MAKE A DESPERATE STAND AT A DEEP STREAM — THE 
SPANIARDS GAIN THE PASS AND ARRIVE AT THE INDIAN VILLAGE 
or ANHAYEA, IN THE PROVINCE OP APALACHEE, 

1539. 

The .Spaniard.-; had now arrived at the commencement of a 
fertile region, covered with those villages and fields of grain for 
which the province of Apalaehee was famous throughout the 
country. Wearied with their toilsome march and incessant 
fighting, they encamped for the night in the open plain, near a 
small village. Still they were deprived of the repose so necessary 
to them. All night they were disturbed by yells and bowlings, 
by repeated assaults, and flights of arrows discharged into the 
earn p. 

At daybreak they resumed their march through e; 
fields of maize, beans, pumpkins, and other vegetables, extending 
on each side of the road as far as the eye could reach, in- 
terspersed with srnail cabins, showing a numerous but scattered 
population. 

The inhabitants justified their ferocious and warlike reputa- 
tion, for they kept up incessant attacks, sallying forth from their 
dwellings, or starting up from corn-fields where they had lain in 
ambush : and though the Spaniards wreaked upon them a bloody 



138 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



revenge, slaughtering them without mercy, yet nothing could 
check the fury of the survivors. 

After contending for two leagues through the fields of corn, 
the Spaniards came to a deep stream, bordered by forests •* 
where the Indians had erected palisades and barriers, to impede 
the passing of the horse, as well as to protect themselves. As 
this was one of the strongest and most important passes, and in 
a manner their last hope, they had prepared themselves to defend 
it vigorously. 

Having reconnoitered the pass, the Spaniards made arrange- 
ments accordingly. The best armed horsemen alighted, and 
buckling on their shields, advanced with swords and hatchets in 
hand, gained the pass, and broke down the palisades and barriers. 
The Indians fought desperately to defend them ; several Span- 
iards were killed and many wounded, but they succeeded in 
forcing their way with less difficulty than they had apprehended. 

The stream forded, they marched two more leagues without 
opposition, through the same kind of fertile and cultivated coun- 
try ; then choosing a place clear from forests, encamped for the 
night. After four days and three nights of watching, toiling, and 
fighting, they needed repose, and had hoped, in this open place, 
where the horses had free career, that they should be able to en- 
joy it without molestation. The darkness of the night, however, 
encouraged the assaults of their restless and daring foes, and 
obliged them to keep up a constant vigil with their weapons in 
their hands. 

Even the Indians who were captured evinced the implacable 
and unconquerable spirit for which the Apalachian tribe was fa- 
mous. Though in the power of their enemies, they continued to 
* Mr. M'Culloch supposes this to be the river Uche. 



ARRIVAL AT ANHAYEA. 139 



carry an air of haughtiness and defiance ; boasting of their origin, 
vaunting the valor of their nation, and telling the Spaniards that 
they would soon arrive at the village of their cacique, where he 
and a host of warriors were waiting to destroy them. The name 
of this cacique was Capafi ; the first they had heard of, whose 
name differed from that of his village. Learning that this for- 
midable village was actually but about two leagues distant, Her- 
nando de Soto, on the following morning, which was the fifth 
since crossing the morass, put himself in the advance, with two 
hundred horse and a hundred foot. On their way they put all 
the Indians they met with to the sword. 

On reaching the village they found it recently deserted by 
the cacique and his men. They pursued them for some distance, 
killed some of the Indians, and captured others : but the cacique 
made his escape. They then took up their quarters in the village, 
which was named Anhayea,* and contained two hundred and fifty 
large and commodious houses : the Adelantado took possession 
of the dwelling of the cacique, which stood at one end of the vil- 
lage, and was superior to the rest.f 

In addition to this principal village, they understood that 
there were many others in the province, containing from fifty to 
a hundred houses, more or less, besides a multitude of dwellings 
scattered about the country. The province throughout was re- 
puted to be pleasant, the soil fertile, producing maize, cucumbers, 
beans, and wild plums ; the rivers abounded in fish, which the 
natives caught in vast quantities throughout the year, and dried 
for use.| 

* Portuguese Narrative, c. 12. 

f This village is supposed to be in the neighborhood of the modern town 
of Tallahassee. Colonel Pickett says, Indian traditions confirm this opinion. 
\ Garcilaso de la Vega, P. ii. L. ii. c. 4. Portuguese Narrative, c. 12. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

JUAN DE ANASCO SETS OUT IN SEARCH OF THE OCEAN THE ADVEN- 
TURES HE MET WITH BY THE WAY. 

1539. 

The army remained in the village of Anhayea for several days, 
recruiting from its past toils, although the enemy did not fail to 
continue their attacks by night and day. The governor now sent 
out bands of horse and foot to explore the surrounding country 
for fifteen or twenty leagues. Two captains, the one named Arias 
Tinoco, the other, Andreas de Vasconcelos, were sent in different 
directions to the northward. They returned, the one in eight, 
and the other in nine days, having met with no adventures wor- 
thy of relation. Both reported that they had found many popu- 
lous villages, and that the country was fertile and free from 
morasses or extensive forests. A third captain had been sent 
about the same time to the southward : this was Juan de Anasco, 
the Contador of the army. He was one whom De Soto often 
chose for undertakings that required a stout heart and active 
spirit, though he was sometimes prone to be a little hasty in tem- 
per and positive in command. He had under his command forty 
horse and fifty foot, and was accompanied by G-onzalo Silvestre 
and Gomez Arias. The latter was a relation of the governor's 
wife, and a hardy soldier, seasoned in all kinds of perils and 



SUSPECTED TREACHERY. 141 



vicissitudes by land and water, as most Spanish adventurers were 
in those days. He had seen rough times in Moorish warfare : 
had been a slave in Barbary : and, to his adventurous valor, add- 
ed sage experience in council. 

Thus accompanied. Juan de Anasco set off towards the south 
in quest of the ocean, which was said to be less than thirty leagues 
distant from Anhayea. He was guided in his expedition by an 
Indian, who professed great fidelity and attachment to the 
Spaniards. 

For two days they travelled over an excellent road, wide and 
level, passing two small rivers which were easily forded. Here 
they came to the village of Aute, which was abandoned by the in- 
habitants, but well stocked with provisions. Taking with them a 
supply for four days, they continued on by the same commodious 
road. At length the Indian diverged from it. and led the way 
into dense and thorny forests without any path. The ground 
was in many places rough and broken, and covered with fallen 
trees. In other places were deep bogs covered with grass, that 
presented the appearance of firm land, but into which horse and 
foot sunk and floundered, and were almost smothered. 

In this wilderness they wandered about for five days, fre- 
quently crossing their former track, until their stock of pro- 
visions was nearly exhausted. Three times they came, as they 
thought, within sound of the distant surges of the sea. and each 
time the Indian struck in an opposite direction. In their vexa- 
tion and perplexity they began to suspect his fidelity, and that 
he had a design to make them perish with hunger in this inextri- 
cable forest. eTen though he should share the same fate. These 
suspicions, however, they kept to themselves, for they had no 
other guide. 



142 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



They now determined to return to Aute, get a fresh supply 
of provisions, and renew their search. Their return was the 
more toilsome, as they had to retrace their footsteps through 
fear of losing the road, and the mire of the bogs was so much 
trampled that they sank deeper in it than before. Four days did 
they keep on in this painful way, and their suspicions of their 
Indian guide revived. They grew peevish in their conduct 
towards him ; quarrels ensued between him and the soldiers ; he 
was beaten, and would have been slain on the spot, had not 
Anasco interfered. Exasperated to revenge, he watched an 
opportunity at night while the soldiers slept, and snatching a 
brand from the fire, struck those who had maltreated him. This 
only brought on him severer punishment. A chain was then put 
round his neck and the other end given to a soldier, to keep close 
watch over him. 

The next morning, in the course of their rugged march, the 
guide, as he followed the soldier who had him in charge, sprang 
suddenly upon him, threw him to the ground, and began to 
trample upon him. 

Upon this the Spaniards fell upon the Indian with sword and 
pike : even Juan de Anasco, losing all temper, raised himself in 
his stirrups, and with both hands, dealt him a terrible thrust 
with his lance ; after which, as he lay for dead, a hound was 
turned loose to tear him to pieces. 

Their guide being slain, and their anger being thus cruelly 
appeased, they began to think which way they should direct 
their steps. In this dilemma they turned to an Indian whom 
they had captured on their return to Aute. From him they 
gathered by signs, and a few words which they understood, that 
it would be impossible to go to the sea by their present route, on 



RETURN TO AUTE. 143 



account of the swamps and forests ; but that if they would 
return to Aute he would take them by a direct road to the coast, 
and to the very place where Pamphilo de Narvaez had built his 
vessels and embarked. 

They had no alternative but to trust to this new guide, hop- 
ing that the fate of his predecessor would have a salutary effect 
on him. They returned, therefore, to the village of Aute, after 
fifteen days of toilsome and fruitless wandering. 

As Gomez Arias and Gronzalo Silvestre were riding in the 
advance, they took two Indian prisoners, near to the village. On 
questioning them about the sea-coast, and the proper route to 
find it, they confirmed all that had been said by the present 
guide. The Spaniards comforted themselves with the hope, 
therefore, that they would now be able to accomplish the object 
of their journey ; and with this persuasion, slept soundly and 
contentedly that night, after all their toils. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

JUAN DE ANASCO ARRIVES AT THE BAY, WHERE HE FINDS TRACES 
OF PAMPHILO DE NARVAEZ. 

1539. 

On the following day Juan de Anasco and his followers set out 
once more from the village of Aute, under the guidance of the 
three Indians, by the new route they pointed out. The road 
was wide and open, free from any bad passages, excepting one 
narrow marsh, in which the horses did not sink over their fet- 
locks. They had not journeyed more than two leagues when 
they arrived at a spacious bay,* and, proceeding along its shores, 
came at last, to their great joy, to the very place where the un- 
fortunate Pamphilo de Narvaez and his people had sojourned. 
Here were the remains of a rude forge, where the iron work for 
the vessels had been wrought ; and around it lay scattered char- 
coal and cinders. There were large trunks of trees, also, hol- 
lowed out into troughs, in which the horses had been fed ; and 
not far oif lay the bones of the horses that had been killed. 

The Spaniards gazed with melancholy interest on these relics 
of a disastrous expedition, and eagerly sought to glean from 
their savage guides further particulars respecting Narvaez and 

* Evidently the Bay of St. Marks, or Apalachee. See Charlevoix Jour- 
nal Historique, Let. xxxiv. 



RETURN TO DE SOTO. 145 



his men. The Indians had picked up some Spanish phrases 
during the time that Narvaez sojourned here ; with these, aided 
by signs, and by words of their own language, partly understood 
by their hearers, they contrived to give some account of the 
transactions at the bay. They led the Spaniards, step by step, 
over the scenes visited by Narvaez : showed the place where ten 
of his men had been surprised and slain : and pointed out every 
spot where things of note had happened to that ill-starred com- 
mander. 

Anasco and his companions searched in every direction to 
find if any letter had been left in the hollow of a tree, or any 
inscription on the bark, as was the common practice with discov- 
erers, but found nothing of the kind. They then ranged along 
the shores of the bay to the sea, which was three leagues distant. 
Here, finding some old canoes cast upon the beach, ten or twelve 
expert swimmers embarked in them and sounded the bay, in the 
mid-channel of which they found sufficient depth for large ships. 

After this, they placed signals in the highest trees, so as to 
be apparent to any one sailing along the coast ; and took down, 
in writing, a minute account of the place and its bearings, for the 
information of any one who might henceforth seek it. Having 
taken these precautions, they made the best of their way back to 
the army. De Soto was rejoiced to see them, for their long 
absence had caused him great uneasiness. He was highly satis- 
fied, also, to learn that they had discovered so excellent a harbor, 
and the very one from which Pamphilo de Narvaez had set sail 
with his ill-fated barks. 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

THE EXPEDITION OF JUAN DE ANA SCO AND HIS BAND OP THIRTY 

TE,OOPERS. 

1539. 

As the season was far advanced, De Soto resolved to proceed no 
farther for the present, hut to winter in this ahundant province 
of Apalachee. He caused the village of Anhayea, therefore, to 
be strongly fortified, additional buildings to be erected for bar- 
racks, and the surrounding country to be foraged for a stock of 
provisions. In the mean time, friendly messages and presents 
were repeatedly sent to the cacique Capafi. He, however, rejected 
all overtures, and buried himself in a dense forest, surrounded 
by morasses and perilous defiles. 

As De Soto saw no use in keeping up a garrison at Hirri- 
higua, in the bay of Espiritu Santo, he determined to send 
orders to Pedro Calderon to break up his encampment there, 
dispatch the vessels which lay in the harbor, and march with the 
forces under his command to rejoin the army in their winter 
quarters. How to get these orders to Pedro Calderon was now 
the question ; for whoever bore the message would have to 
retrace the wilderness through which the army had marched, to 
re-cross the deep and rapid rivers, thread the gloomy forests and 
miry swamps, and, as it were, run the gauntlet through tribes of 



PEDRO MORONS EXPEDITION. 147 



warlike and cruel savages, smarting from late conflicts, and thirst- 
ing for revenge. 

After mature consideration, lie resolved to intrust the peril- 
ous enterprise to a band of troopers, sufficient in number to make 
head against a considerable force of savages, yet not too numerous 
to move with secrecy and expedition. 

No sooner did he propose the daring errand than there was a 
competition among the young cavaliers of the arraj to be sent upon 
it ; for the very danger excited their ardor. De Soto chose from 
among them thirty prime lances, and appointed as their leader 
the stout-hearted and well-tried Juan de Aftasco. Along with 
him went the shrewd and hardy Gomez Arias, his comrade in the 
late expedition to the bay of Aute. 

Among the lances was one Pedro Moron, a mestizo, or half- 
blood, between Spaniard and mulatto, a native of the island of 
Cuba. This soldier, beside being an admirable swimmer, was 
gifted with a scent almost equal to that of a dog : so that he had 
often, in the island of Cuba, winded and traced a fugitive Indian 
into the thickets and caves in which he had hid himself. He 
also could scent fire at the distance of a league, though no light or 
smoke was to be perceived.* In company with him went another 
mestizo, his friend and countryman, likewise a native of Cuba. 

It was on the 20th of Novemberf (1539) that this small and 
intrepid band set out on their hazardous errand. As celerity of 
movement was all important, each horseman was lightly equipped 
with a casque, a coat of mail under his doublet, and a lance : a 
pair of alforjas or wallets were slung across the saddle-bow, in 
which, beside a small supply of food for himself, and corn for his 
steed, he had two or three spare horseshoes, and a few nails. 

* Garcilaso de la Vega, P. ii L. ii. o, 7. f Portuguese Relation. 

7 



148 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



Long before the day dawned the gallant troopers were on the 
road.* Pressing forward, they scoured along at full speed, when 
practicable, fearing lest the rumor of their coming might precede 
them, and give the Indians time to assemble and dispute the 
passes. Overtaking two of the natives, they put them to death, 
to prevent their giving the alarm to their comrades scattered 
about the fields. They traversed the extensive morass and vast 
forests of Apalachee, without opposition, and halted in an open 
plain on its skirts ; ten of their number keeping watch while the 
remainder slept. 

Ere it was light they were again in their saddles, and made 
the best of their way over that desert tract of country lying be- 
tween the morass of Apalachee and the village of Osachile. Ap- 
prehensive that the Indians might have heard of their approach, 
and would make stout resistance in the village, Anasco ordered a 
halt. As night closed in, they pushed onward with great caution, 
and came in sight of the village about midnight. Not stopping 
to reconnoitre, they loosened their reins, clapped spurs to their 
horses, and dashed through at full speed. Having galloped about 
a league further, they struck off their course for a short distance, 
and halted for the remainder of the night ; having travelled this 
day more than thirteen leagves. 

At daybreak they resumed their journey, putting their horses 
to their speed, as numbers of the natives were scattered about 
the fields, and might give the alarm. Thus, they went five 
leagues on a scamper to the river Osachile, at the risk of their 
horses ; but these were, luckily, so high mettled that they suffer- 
ed but little. 

* The account of this romantic and perilous expedition of the thirty 
troopers, is entirely from the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega. The Portuguese 
Narrative makes very brief mention of it. 



VITACHUCO BURNT BY THE NATIVES. 149 



On approaching the river, (xonzalo Silvestre, who had pushed 
his horse more than his companions, was in advance. He was 
fearful lest the river should have swollen since the army crossed 
it. Fortunately, however, the water had fallen. He was so 
overjoyed that he plunged in with his horse, swam the stream, 
and mounted the bank on the opposite side. When his com- 
panions came up they were rejoiced to see him on the opposite 
bank, for they had entertained the same fear, that the river might 
have increased : they all dashed in, gained the other side without 
accident, and, with light hearts, dismounted and made their 
breakfast on the green-sward. 

They were soon again on horse, and at a moderate pace ap- 
proached the village of Vitachuco. Thinking to have found the 
place as they had left it, they looked forward to some severe fight- 
ing with the inhabitants, and expected to pass through it at the 
point of the sword. A consultation was held, and it was resolved, 
that none should stop to fight, but at full gallop cut their way 
through the enemy ; for the death of one of their number, or of 
a horse, would be a serious loss, and increase the perils of the ex- 
pedition. Thus determined, they spurred on, and were soon re- 
lieved from their apprehensions. They found the village a scene 
of utter desolation ; the houses burnt, the walls thrown to the 
ground, and the bodies of the Indians who had fallen on the day 
of battle, heaped up into a mound, and left unsepulchred. The 
Spaniards afterwards learnt that the natives had destroyed and 
deserted this village, from an idea that it had been built on an 
evil and ill-fated site ; and they had left the corses of their peo- 
ple unburied, food for carrion birds and wild beasts, because, ac- 
cording to their superstitious belief, the unfortunate and defeat- 
ed in battle were infamous and accursed. 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

CONTINUATION OF THE BOLD AND PERILOUS EXPEDITION OF JUAN DE 
ANASCO, AND HIS THIRTY LANCES. 

1539. 

The Spaniards checked their steeds, and wonnd slowly through 
the ruins of the village, wondering at the desolation around them. 
They had left it but a short distance behind them, when they en- 
countered two Indian warriors, on a hunting expedition, who took 
refuge under a large walnut tree. One of them, however, quit- 
ting the tree, made an attempt to reach the woods on the oppo- 
site side of the road, but two horsemen dashed after him, and be- 
fore he attained this asylum, transfixed him with their lances. 

The other Indian, of more courageous spirit, kept his station 
under the tree ; and, as fortune usually favors the daring, he met 
with a better fate. Fixing an arrow in his bow, he fearlessly 
faced the Spaniards, who came galloping one behind the other, 
and threatened to shoot, should they approach him. Some of the 
cavaliers, piqued at his defiance, would fain have dismounted to 
attack him lance in hand. 

Anasco, however, represented to them that there was neither 
valor nor prudence in attacking a desperate man ; especially at a 
time when the death, even of a horse, would be deeply felt : and 



NARROW ESCAPE OF THE SPANIARDS. 151 



when they were badly provided with medicines to heal the wound- 
ed. He then wheeled his horse, and they made a large circuit 
from the road, lest the Indian should shoot any of the horses as 
they passed : for this they dreaded most. He allowed them all 
to pass, and finding that, instead of attacking him, they had turn- 
ed on one side, he started after them, taunting them for flying from 
a single foe. At this moment a shrill and wild outcry rose from 
every part of the surrounding fields and forests. Savages started 
up on all sides, and called upon each other to barricade the road. 
But the Spaniards gave their horses the reins and spur, and 
soon left the enemy behind them. This night, the third of their 
wayfaring, they halted in a level and beautiful plain, having tra- 
velled seventeen leagues since morning ; the last eight through 
the province of Yitachuco. 

On the fourth day they journeyed other seventeen leagues 
through the same province. The natives, thirsting for revenge, 
on account of their late defeat, were on the alert ; and seeing 
the Spaniards passing through their country with so small 
a force, determined to massacre them. They sent seven Indian 
runners ahead to spread the alarm of the coming of the white 
men, that their warriors might assemble at some narrow pass and 
dispute the way. The Christians, however, suspecting their 
designs, pushed on so close upon the runners, that they took 
them all prisoners. At nightfall they encamped as usual in an 
open plain. 

A little past midnight they roused themselves from their 
slumbers, and by sunrise had already travelled five leagues, and 
arrived at the river Ochali, where, on a former occasion, the 
Indians had killed the hound with their arrows. They hoped to 
find the river with less water than when they had crossed it, but, 



152 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



on the contrary, it had overflowed its banks, and was now a deep, 
turbid stream, boiling and foaming with whirlpools, fearful even 
to look upon, and dangerous to traverse. 

The Spaniards held an earnest consultation for a few mo- 
ments : the first object was to secure the opposite bank before 
the Indians should arrive there. It was determined, therefore, 
that twelve of the best swimmers, stripping themselves of every 
thing except their casques and coats of mail, and disencumbering 
their horses of saddles and saddle-bags, and taking only their 
lances in their hands, should swim their steeds to the opposite 
bank, and take post there, to protect the crossing of their com- 
panions with the baggage. At the same time, fourteen were, 
with all speed, to construct a raft of drift-wood, to transport the 
baggage, and such of the party as could not swim ; while four 
were to mount guard at their present post, until all should be 
effected. 

All this was no sooner agreed upon than it was put into 
execution. The twelve swimmers threw off all superfluous 
clothes, and, taking lance in hand, urged their horses into the 
raging stream. Eleven of them landed in safety at a large 
opening on the opposite bank: the twelfth was Juan Lopez 
Cacho, page to the governor — the same youth who once accom- 
panied G-onzalo Silvestre on his perilous errand to the camp. In 
attempting to cross, he drifted with his horse somewhat below 
the opening. Finding he could not stem the current up to the 
place where his companions landed, he let his horse swim lower 
down the river, and sought some other landing-place. He at- 
tempted several times to scramble up the bank, but it was like a 
wall, and there was no foothold for the horse. He was com- 
pelled, therefore, to return to the opposite shore, but before he 



RESCUE OF JUAN" LOPEZ CACHO. 153 



reached it, his horse began to falter through fatigue. He called 
out for succor to his companions who were felling wood for the 
raft. Four of them threw themselves into the water, and 
dragged him and his horse to shore. By the time they reached 
it, the poor youth was so chilled and exhausted that he was more 
like a corpse than a living being. 

Leaving the cavaliers to complete the crossing of the river, 
we will cast a look back to the camp, to notice the proceedings of 
its careful commander. 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

DE SOTO'S ENTERPRISE AGAINST THE CACIQUE OF CAPAFI. 

1539. 

Having dispatched Juan de Anasco and his thirty lances on 
their expedition, the next thought of De Soto was for the securi- 
ty and comfort of his army. Ever since he had been quartered 
in the village of Anhayea, the Indians had kept up a series of 
harassing attacks and alarms, by day and night. The whole 
neighborhood was beset by them, lurking about in ambush, so 
that a soldier could not stray a bow-shot from the camp without 
being waylaid and assaulted. 

Knowing the devotion of the Indians to their chieftains, it 
occurred to De Soto, that if he could once get Capafi, the cacique 
of Apalachee, in his power, his subjects would cease from their 
stratagems and attacks. It was a long time, however, before he 
could get upon the traces of the cacique, or discover where he 
had concealed himself, for he did not take the field with his war- 
riors like the other chieftains. In fact, Capafi, though redoubt- 
able from his sovereign power, was so enormously fat and un- 
wieldy, that he could not walk, nor even stand. He went about 
in his dwelling on his hands and knees, and, on moving from 



DE SOTO AT THE INDIAN CITADEL. 155 



place to place, was borne in a litter on the shoulders of his 
subjects. 

At length De Soto received intelligence that the cacique had 
posted himself in the midst of a dense and extensive forest, 
about eight leagues from the camp, surrounded by tangled thick- 
ets and treacherous morasses, so as to be almost inaccessible. 
It was, moreover, fortified in their strongest manner, and garri- 
soned by the choicest Apalachian warriors, so as to be deemed 
by them perfectly impregnable. 

As an enterprise against this stronghold was one of peculiar 
peril, De Soto, with his accustomed intrepidity, took it upon him- 
self, and, at the head of a body of horse and foot, made his way 
in three days, with great difficulty, to the Indian citadel, the 
construction of which deserves particular mention. 

In the heart of this close and impervious forest, a piece of 
ground was cleared and fortified for the residence of the cacique 
and his warriors. The only entrance or outlet was by a narrow 
path, cut through the forest. At every hundred paces this path 
was barricaded by palisades and trunks of trees, at each of which 
was posted a guard of the bravest warriors. Thus the fat 
cacique was ensconced in the midst of the forest, like a spider in 
the midst of his web, and his devoted subjects were ready to de- 
fend him to the last gasp. 

When the governor arrived at the entrance of the perilous 
defile, he found the enemy well prepared for its defence. The 
Spaniards pressed forward, but the path was so narrow that the 
two foremost only could engage in the combat. They gained 
the first and second palisade at the point of the sword. Here it 
was necessary to cut the osiers and other bands with which the 

Indians had fastened the beams. While thus occupied, they 

7* 



156 CO I 01 FLORIDA. 



were exposed fco a galling fire, and received many wounds. Not- 
withstanding all these obstacles, they <rained one palisade after 
the other, until, by bard fighting, they arrived at the place of 
refuge of the cacique. 

lien: was the bottest of the battle. The [ndians, driven fco 
desperation by the imminent peril of their cacique, thew them- 
selves upon the swords and spears of the Spaniards. The Latter 
were animated by the sight of their wished-for prey, and by the 

mple and roice of De Soto, who not only fought as a oal, in 
the thickest of the affray, hut, called on his men by name, and 
cheered them on to action. 

The conflict lasted a long time, with many feats of prowess 
on both sides. The [ndians, however, U>r want of defensive 
armor, fought on unequal terms, and were most of them cut 
down. The cacique called out to the survivors to surrender. 
The hitter, having done all that good soldiers could do, and 

M" ;ill their warlike efforts in rain, threw themselves <m their 
knees before the governor, and offered up their dwh lives, hut, 
entreated him to spare the life of their cacique, 

l)e Soto was moved by their ralor and their loyalty; receiv- 
ing them with kindness, he assured them of Ids pardon for the 

past; and that thenceforth he would consider them as friends. 
Cap an. not being able to walk, was borne in the arms of his 
attendants to kiss the bands of the governor, who, well pleased 

to have him in his power, treated him with urbanity and 

kindness.* 1 

* The Inca, P. ii. L. ii. c. 10. 



CHAPTER XXL 

SINGULAR ESCAPE OF THE CACIQUE CAPAFL 

1539. 

De Soto returned well pleased to the village of Anhayea, flatter- 
ing himself that the molestation from the savages would now he 
at an end, since he held their cacique a captive. His hopes, 
however, were vain, for the Indians, freed from the charge of 
protecting their chieftain, now devoted themselves to molesting 
the Christians. The general considered this a base instance of 
ingratitude, seeing that he had refrained from ravaging the coun- 
try, and he threatened Capafi to commence a war of extermina- 
tion against his people. 

The cacique expressed much grief at their conduct, and 
informed De Soto that the most eminent of them were concealed 
in a thick forest, five or six leagues from the camp. He offered 
to go there, guarded by a body of Spaniards, and persuade them to 
submit, adding, that no messages would avail, as they would not 
be convinced that he was not a prisoner in irons, and badly 
treated. De Soto, accordingly, ordered a company of horse and 
foot to escort him, charging them to watch him closely, and not 
allow him to escape. They left the village before morning, and, 
directing their march in a southerly direction, reached the forest 
about sunset. 



158 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



Here the cacique sent some Indians of his train to his war- 
riors, who were concealed in the forest, with orders for them to 
assemble before him on the following morning. Trusting that 
the order of Capafi would be punctually obeyed, the Spaniards 
betook themselves to rest for the night, having first placed senti- 
nels at the outposts, and a strong guard around the cacique j 
whose unwieldy bulk, in fact, seemed a sufficient guarantee for his 
safety. Partly through negligence, however, and partly through 
weariness from three days' journey, sentinels and all fell asleep. 
Upon this, the wily cacique, watching his opportunity, crawled 
on all fours through the drowsy camp, and soon fell in with a 
prowling party of his subjects, who raised him on their shoulders, 
and bore him off to the forest. 

When morning came, and the Spaniards awoke from sleep, 
the cacique was not to be seen. They beat up the surrounding 
forest, but without success. Each one wondered, and questioned 
the other, how so unwieldy a man had escaped without being seen 
or heard. The sentinels all swore that they had been exceedingly 
vigilant on their parts ; it was unanimously agreed, therefore, 
that the Indians must have conjured up some demon to carry 
him off through the air. They set off on their return, deeply 
mortified ; followed by the Indians at a distance, taunting 
and jeering them, but offering no other molestation. They 
arrived in the camp much crest-fallen, and invented a thousand 
fables to account to the governor and his officers for the escape 
of the prisoner. They all certified that they had witnessed 
strange sights that night, and insisted that the cacique could 
not have escaped unless he had been spirited away by devils, so 
unwieldy was his bulk, and so vigilant had been their watch- 
fulness. 



ESCAPE OF THE CACIQUE. 159 



The governor, though aware that they had neglected their 
duty, knew there was no remedy, and pretended to be convinced 
of the truth of what they had represented. He increased their 
satisfaction by saying that the Indians were such notorious 
necromancers, that they might have performed even more won- 
derful feats than conjuring off a fat cacique. 



CHAPTER XXXI. 

CONTINUATION OF THE EXPEDITION OF JUAN DE ANASCO AND HIS 
THIRTY LANCES, AND WHAT FURTHER BEFELL THEM. 

1539. 

We must now return to the thirty cavaliers whom we left pre- 
paring to cross the river Ocali. Those employed in felling the 
timber, in a short time finished the raft ; for they were provided 
for such emergencies with hatchets and cords ; they fastened two 
large ropes to it under the water, by which it was to be drawn, 
backwards and forwards, from bank to bank. 

Two good swimmers carried one of the ropes to the opposite 
shore. They had but just accomplished this, when the Indians 
of Ocali rushed down to the river to assail them. The eleven 
cavaliers who had crossed to the opposite bank, closed with 
them, killed some and put the rest to flight, and remained mas- 
ters of the field, excepting that flights of arrows were discharged 
at them from a distance. 

The combat ceased, they called out lustily for their cloaks to 
be sent over on the first raft, as a north wind had risen, and 
being dripping wet, with no other covering but shirts and coats 
of mail, they were suffering from the cold. 

The rafts made several voyages to and fro, before all the bag- 
gage, and such of the Spaniards as could not swim, were ferried 



PASSAGE OF THE RIVER. 161 



across. As fast as they landed they hastened to join their com- 
rades, who were keeping the thickening host of savages at bay ; 
two only remained to unload the raft. 

The four horsemen who had been posted as a rearguard, to 
protect the men as they embarked, had succeeded in covering 
them from assault. Two of them, Hernando Athanasio and Gon- 
zalo Silvestre, remained for the last crossing of the raft ; which, 
as there would be no one left to keep back the savages, would be 
the most perilous. When the raft was laden and ready for the 
traverse, Athanasio sprang upon it, leading his horse into the 
water to swim alongside. Silvestre then charged upon the sav- 
ages, drove them to a distance from the shore, returned at full 
speed, leaped from his horse, urged him into the water, cast loose 
the fastening of the raft, and, springing upon it, gave signal for 
it to be hauled over to the opposite bank. 

All this was accomplished with such promptness and activity, 
that they were already half way across the river, and out of dan- 
ger, before the Indians could reach the shore. 

In all this crossing, the horses performed their part to admi- 
ration. They required no spur nor scourge, and scarce any 
leading ; they never flinched nor hesitated, but seemed to com- 
prehend their real danger — that an enemy was hovering near, 
and that their safety depended upon their docility and perfect 
obedience. 

It was two o'clock in the afternoon when all had crossed the 
river, neither man nor horse having received a wound. They 
made for the village, where they purposed resting, as Juan Lopez 
Cacho had been so long in the water that he was completely 
chilled, and appeared like a statue, without the power of moving 
hand or foot. 



162 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



The Indians opposed their approach to the village until their 
wives and children had time to fly to the woods, when they also 
abandoned the place. The Spaniards entered and halted in the 
middle of the public square, fearing to quarter in the dwellings, 
lest, being separated, the Indians might surround and make 
them prisoners. 

They built four huge fires in the square, near which they laid 
poor Juan Lopez and covered him with the cloaks of his com- 
rades. One of his friends gave him a dry shirt which he chanced 
to have with him, at this time a most acceptable gift. 

They remained in the village the rest of the day, in a state of 
anxiety. The situation of Juan Lopez rendered it impossible for 
him to travel this night, yet they feared the delay might give the 
natives time to spread the alarm and barricade the road. They 
resolved, however, come what might, they would place the health 
of their companion before any other consideration. Accordingly, 
they tethered one half the horses, and fed them with maize, while 
the remainder walked the rounds. Some occupied themselves in 
drying their saddles and the clothes which had been soaked in 
the water, and others in replenishing the saddlebags with maize ; 
for, notwithstanding there was an abundance of dried grapes and 
plums, and various other fruits, they took nothing but Indian 
corn, which answered as food both for themselves and horses. 

As night closed in, mounted sentinels patrolled round the 
village and its vicinity. About the mid watch, two of them, 
while going the rounds, heard a low murmuring noise, as of men 
approaching. One started off to put his comrades on their guard, 
while the other remained to reconnoitre. In the brightness of 
the starlight he descried a large and obscure mass of savages 
moving towards the village, and hastened to give the alarm. The 



FATE OF PEDRO DE ATIENZA. 163 



Spaniards, finding that Juan Lopez was somewhat recovered, 
threw several cloaks over him, and mounted him and fastened 
him in the saddle, while one of his comrades led his horse by 
the reins. In this manner they left the village in deep silence, 
before the enemy arrived, and so expeditiously did they travel, 
that at daybreak they were six leagues from Ocali. 

With the same expedition they hurried through the populous 
country, that the rumor of their approach might not precede 
them : killing all the Indians they encountered near the road, 
lest they should give the alarm. Through the uninhabited tracts 
they slackened their pace, that the horses might rest and breathe, 
to be ready to run when it should be necessary. Thus passed 
this day, which was the sixth of their wayfaring, having journeyed 
almost twenty leagues, a part of the distance through the province 
of Acuera, a country peopled by very warlike savages. 

The seventh day Pedro de Atienza complained of being sud- 
denly ill. They made light of his complaint, and, not to lose 
time on the road, urged him forward. He continued from time 
to time to complain, but without being attended to, until having 
ridden for several hours, he fell dead beside his horse. His com- 
rades were shocked at his sudden fate, and at their own want of 
sympathy in his sufferings. No time was to be lost, however, in 
ceremonials. They silently dug a grave with their hatchets, 
buried him by the wayside, and then rode on, ruminating on the 
loss of a brave soldier and a well-tried comrade. 

That night they encamped on the border of the great morass, 
after travelling twenty leagues. It was bitter cold, in consequence 
of a keen north wind, and they were compelled to build huge 
fires at the risk of warning the Indians. Twenty of these would 
have been sufficient to dispute this pass, and massacre every one 



164 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



of them, as they would possess a great advantage in their canoes, 
while the Spaniards could not avail themselves of their horses, 
neither had they archers nor cross-bows to dislodge the enemy. 
Thus troubled and anxious, one-third of their number kept watch 
at a time, while the others slept, to gain strength for the fatigues 
of the coming day. 



CHAPTER XXXII. 

PASSAGE OF THE GREAT MORASS THE TROOPERS SUFFER FROM 

EXTREME COLD THE VEXATION OF GOMEZ ARIAS. 

1539. 

The Spaniards had slept but a few hours when they were awa- 
kened by the sufferings of Juan De Soto, who had been companion 
of Pedro Atienza, and who died almost as suddenly as his com- 
rade, being overcome by excessive fatigue. 

Some of the troop fled from the neighborhood of the corpse, 
crying that the plague had broken out among them and caused 
these sudden deaths. The old soldier, Gromez Varias, was vexed 
at their panic and their clamor. " Plague enough have you," 
said he, " in your journey, from which you cannot fly, do what 
you may. If you fly from us, whither will you go ? You are 
not on the river banks of Seville, nor in its olive groves." 
Upon this, the fugitives returned and joined in the prayers for 
the dead, but would not aid in interring the body, insisting that 
he had died of the dreaded pestilence. 

When the day dawned, they prepared to pass the morass. 
Eight of the Spaniards, who could not swim, made for the bridge 
over the deepest part of the morass, and having replaced its rail- 
ing, carried over the saddles of the horses and the clothes of their 



166 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 

companions. The remainder, perfectly naked, vaulted upon their 
horses, and endeavored to force them into the water ; but it was 
so cold that they shrank back. They then attached ropes to the 
halters, and four or five of them swam to the middle of the cur- 
rent to drag the horses after them, while others struck them 
behind with long poles. The horses, however, planted their feet 
firmly in the ground, and could not be moved. 

Two or three were at length urged into the stream a short 
distance, but when they came to the deep water, the cold was so 
great that they turned back, dragging the swimmers after them. 
For more than three hours they thus labored in vain. At length 
they succeeded in forcing two horses over, one of which belonged 
to the leader Juan de Anasco, the other to G-onzalo de Silvestre. 
Both of these cavaliers, being of the number of those who could 
not swim, had already passed by the bridge. As soon as their 
horses were brought over, they saddled and mounted them, to be 
ready for action should any enemy approach. 

Notwithstanding two horses had thus led the way, none other 
could be prevailed upon, either by coaxing or cudgelling, to fol- 
low. Gomez Arias, the hardy and weather-beaten soldier, was 
chief of the nineteen companions who, entirely naked, were labor- 
ing up to their waists in water, to compel the horses to cross ; and 
Arias had toiled more than all the rest. They had now been in 
the water for more than four hours, exposed to the keen north 
wind, and so thoroughly chilled that their naked bodies were 
almost black. They were wearied in flesh, and vexed in spirit ; 
and seeing all their exertions useless, were almost driven to 
despair. 

At this juncture, Juan de Anasco, having saddled and 
mounted his horse, as has been stated, advanced on the opposite 



ANGER OF JUAN" DE ANASCO. 161 



side, as far as lie could ford, until he reached the edge of the 
deep channel. He was enraged that no more horses had been 
made to cross over ; and, without inquiring the reason, or regard- 
ing the comfortless plight of Gomez Arias and his comrades, 
attributed it to a want of respect and obedience to him as 
leader. In great dudgeon at the idea, he cried out in a loud and 
choleric voice, " Gomez Arias, bad luck to you ! why do you not 
pass those horses over?" 

The spleen of honest Gomez, who was a rough soldier, was 
already sufficiently roused by the toils, and sufferings, and vexa- 
tions he had endured, and this speech of his commander nettled 
him to the quick. Casting a grim and surly glance at Anasco, 
" Bad luck to you F cried he, " and to the drab of a cur that 
bore you. There you sit on your horse, comfortably clad and 
wrapped up in your cloak, and never think that we have been 
here for more than four hours in the water, half frozen with cold, 
and doing all in our power. Dismount — with a curse to you ! 
and come here, and we shall see how much better you can do 
than we have done." 

Juan de Anasco, though prone to be passionate, recollected 
himself in his anger, and restrained his tongue. The companions 
of Gomez Arias told him the true state of the case : he saw that 
he had been wrong in speaking so abruptly to the veteran, whose 
rough reply was incited by his vexatious situation, rather than by 
any personal disrespect. 

Juan de Anasco often drew upon himself like rebuffs in this and 
other expeditions, by the hastiness of his tongue and temper ; for 
there is nothing of which a partisan commander, in these rough 
adventurous scouting parties, ought to be more observant, than to 
treat his comrades with kindness and civility. When any toils 



168 



CONQUEST OF FLORIDA, 



and hardships are to be encountered, he should excite them by 
words • and when it becomes necessary to use the latter, taey 
should be kind and temperate, as they do not cost more than 
harsh ones, and are infinitely more effectual. 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 

THEY CAPTURE SOME OF THE NATIVES PERPLEXED WITH FEARS 

FOR THE SAFETY OF THE GARRISON AT HIRRIHIGUA THEIR 

ARRIVAL THERE. 

1539. 

When the discord was appeased the Spaniards renewed their 
efforts, and the noontide sun having somewhat tempered the 
coldness of the water, the horses were slowly forced across, so 
that by three in the afternoon all had passed over. 

They were, indeed, in a wretched plight, drenched with water, 
worn out with excessive toil, benumbed with cold, exhausted 
with hunger ; and, what was worse, had but scanty provisions 
wherewith to recruit their strength and spirits. They uttered 
no complaint or repinings, however, but rejoiced to have crossed 
this much dreaded pass, and that no enemy had opposed them ; 
for, had but fifty of the savages hemmed them in, where would 
have been these brave cavaliers % The neglect of the Indians in 
attacking them was, most probably, owing to the distance of the 
morass from any hamlet or village, and it was now the winter 
season, during which time the natives, as they went naked, seldom 
left their houses. 

The Spaniards agreed to pass this night in an extensive 



170 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



plain, near the morass, for they and their horses were so much 
fatigued that they could not travel a step. They made large 
fires, therefore, to warm themselves, and found consolation in the 
reflection, that from this place to Hirrihigua. whither they were 
journeying, they would encounter no difficult passes. 

When night came they slept with the same precautions as 
before, and resumed their march before daybreak. In this way 
they travelled two days without meeting any thing worthy of 
note. The horses of the two companions who had died went 
free, saddled and bridled, sometimes following the others, some- 
times taking the lead, and keeping as regularly to the route as if 
they had riders to guide them. The night of the tenth day of 
their journey was passed within three leagues of the village of 
Mucozo. 

A little past midnight they were again in the saddle. They 
had not gone far before Pedro Moron, the half-blood, so noted 
for the quickness of his scent, suddenly cried out, " Take heed ! 
I smell fire at no great distance." They looked about them, but 
could see nothing of the kind, nor could they perceive the smell 
of fire. 

After proceeding about a league further, Moron again came 
to a halt. " I am certain," said he, " that there is a fire some- 
where, close at hand." They now proceeded warily, keeping a 
sharp look-out, and after a little while discovered a fire in a for- 
est hard by. Drawing silently near, they perceived a number of 
Indians, with their wives and children, seated around it, cooking 
and eating fish. Though they supposed them to be subjects to 
the friendly cacique Mucozo, they resolved to capture as many 
as they could, and ascertain whether this chieftain continued at 
peace with Pedro Calderon. In case he did not, they would be 



CAPTURE OF INDIANS. 1?1 



able to retain them prisoners of war and send them as slaves to 
Havana. They accordingly dashed forward to surround them. 
The savages started up on hearing the sudden tramp of the 
horses, and made for the woods. Many eluded pursuit in the 
darkness of the night, and many escaped in the thickets. They 
took prisoners about twenty persons, women and children ; who 
continually called out the name of Ortiz, desiring to remind 
the Spaniards of the past kindness of their cacique. But these 
availed nothing ; they were detained prisoners. 

The half starved Spaniards, without dismounting, made a 
greedy meal on the fish, not waiting to cleanse them from the 
sand with which the trampling of the Indians and the horses had 
covered them. 

Refreshed by their hasty repast, they continued their journey, 
keeping clear of the village of Mucozo. After travelling five 
leagues, the horse of Juan Lopez Cacho gave out ; having never 
recovered from his sufferings in crossing the river Ocali. His 
rider had fared better, having been restored, partly by the sud- 
den alarm in the night, and chiefly, by the natural vigor of his 
age, being not more than twenty years old. Throughout the 
residue of the journey he had been as active as any of his com- 
panions. 

Finding it impossible to get the horse on, although within 
six leagues of the end of his journey, they left him in a verdant 
meadow where there was abundance of pasturage, and hung his 
saddle and bridle in a tree, so that any Indian who should use him, 
might have him with his furniture. They greatly feared, how- 
ever, that as soon as the Indians found him they would kill him. 
After travelling for nearly five leagues, they arrived within a 

league of the village of Hirrihigua, where they expected to find 

8 



172 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



Captain Pedro Calderon, with forty horse and eighty foot, 
They examined the ground narrowly as they rode along, hoping 
to find some tracks of the horses ; for as the village was so near, 
and the country free from wood, it seemed to them natural that 
their countrymen should have ridden out as far as this, and 
even further. Discovering, however, no traces of the kind, they 
were filled with dismal forebodings, fearing that Calderon and 
his men had been massacred by the natives, or had left the 
country in the caravels. In either case, what were they to do ? 
Isolated, as it were, surrounded by enemies, with no bark in 
which to leave the country, and without the means of building 
one ! To return to the governor, appeared to them impossible, 
after what they had suffered in coming. As they had discussed 
their forlorn situation, they unanimously agreed, that if they did 
not find their companions in Hirrihigua, they would retire into 
some of the secret fastnesses of the adjacent forests, where 
there was abundance of grass for the horses. The superfluous 
horse they would kill, and dry his flesh for food for the journey; 
and when the other horses had sufficiently recruited, they would 
attempt to return to the governor. Should they be killed by 
the road, they would die like true and faithful soldiers ; if they 
arrived safe, they would have accomplished their commander's 
orders. 

With this heroic resolve they pushed on ; the further they 
advanced, however, the more were they confirmed in their fears 
and suspicions ; for they discovered no trace of their comrades. 
At length, they came to a small lake, which was less than half 
a league from the village. Here they found fresh tracks of 
horses, and near the water, marks of their countrymen having 
made lye and washed their clothes there. 



MEETING OF ANASCO AND CALDERON. 173 



A joyful shout burst from the lips of every Spaniard. The 
horses were dragging wearily along, but the moment they scented 
the traces of the others, they threw up their heads, pricked 
their ears, and neighed loud and shrill, plunging and leaping 
about as if just from the stable : setting off now at a round rate, 
they soon accomplished the remainder of their journey. 

The sun was setting as they came in sight of the village. The 
night patrol were defiling out two by two, on horseback, with 
lance and shield, and shining armor. Juan de Anasco and his 
followers fell into the same order, and, as if they were tilting in 
the lists, they advanced at a furious gallop, rending the air with 
joyous shouts. Pedro Calderon and his men sallied out to meet 
them, and received them with open arms. Instead of inquiring, 
however, after the health and welfare of the army and the gov- 
ernor, and their particular friends, they anxiously demanded 
whether there was any gold in the country. 

Anasco, without delay, inquired of Calderon whether the na- 
tives of this province, and the vassals of Mucozo, had continued 
peaceable and friendly ; and learning that they had, he directed 
that the prisoners recently taken should be immediately liber- 
ated, and sent home to their country loaded with presents. By 
them he sent an invitation to Mucozo to make him a visit with 
a train of attendants, to convey to their homes the sea-stores 
and other articles which, on their departure, they intended leav- 
ing behind : at the same time he recommended to his care the 
horse which had been left in his territory. 

The Indians went away, delighted with this kind treatment, 
and on the third day came the good Mucozo, followed by his 
warriors and a train of attendants ; two of whom led the horse, 
while the others carried the saddle and bridle, as they knew not 



114 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



how to use them. Mucozo embraced Anasco and his comrades, 
inquired particularly after the governor and the army, and made 
him relate the particulars of their going and coming, their bat- 
tles and skirmishes, and the toils, the hunger and privations 
they had suffered. After hearing the whole detail, he observed 
that he would rejoice much if he could impress his spirit and 
will upon the other caciques throughout the land, that all might 
serve the governor and his people as they merited and he de- 
sired. 

Juan de Anasco was struck with the difference between the 
reception he met with from this noble cacique, and that from his 
own countrymen, whose first inquiry had been after gold. With 
a grateful heart, he thanked him for the kindness he had shown 
Calderon and his soldiers, and delivered him many kind mes- 
sages from the governor. 



CHAPTER XXXIV. 



ANASCO SAILS IN QUEST OP THE BAY OF AUTE. GOMEZ ARIAS 



EMBARKS FOR THE HAVANA J AND CALDERON PREPARES TO 
MARCH TO JOIN THE ARMY. 

1539. 

Juan de Anasco now set to work to discharge the duties of his 
mission. He was to embark in the two brigantines, and to coast 
to the westward until he should arrive at the Bay of Aute (St. 
Marks), which he had discovered with so much toil, as has been 
already related. He brought orders, also, from the governor to 
Captain Pedro Calderon, to rejoin him with his troops, by land ; 
and the worthy cavalier G-omez Arias was to sail for Havana in 
the caravel, to carry news to Dona Isabel de Bobadilla of the 
events of the expedition. 

The whole harbor, therefore, was in a bustle. The brigan- 
tines and caravel were careened and repaired ; the sea-stores, 
sails, rigging and equipments carried on board, and the crews 
mustered and embarked. Equal stir was made for the march by 
land ; preparing the furniture for the horses, furbishing up ar- 
mor and weapons, and culling out every article necessary for 
the service. 

After every thing had been selected that was required either 
for sea or land, there remained an abundance of all kinds of 



176 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



articles, which they could not take with them ; such as cassava 
bread, clothing, cuirasses, helmets, bucklers, lances, pikes, beside 
sea-stores, and quantities of steel and iron, which the generous- 
spirited governor had provided in such profusion for his expedi- 
tion. All these superfluous articles they gave to Mucozo, in 
reward of his constant friendship. The cacique found himself 
suddenly overwhelmed with riches. During four days that he 
remained at the harbor, and for the residue of the term that 
thfe Spaniards sojourned there, his subjects were incessantly 
busy, going to and fro like ants, bearing off these inestimable 
presents to his village. Every preparation being made, the 
crews being embarked, beside thirty soldiers who were distri- 
buted in the brigantines and caravel, and twenty Indian women 
for Dona Isabel,* the different commanders took leave of each 
other, and of their various comrades. Juan de Anasco made 
sail in the brigantines in quest of the Bay of Aute; Gomez 
Arias in the caravel for Havana, and Pedro Calderon prepared 
to march, as soon as he should have seen them fairly under 
way.f With this cavalier and his little army we shall keep for 
the present, hoping to meet with the stout Juan de Anasco at 
some future day. 

* Portuguese Narrative, c. 12. 

f G-arcilaso de la Vega, P. ii. L. ii. c. 2*7. 



CHAPTER XXXV. 

BREAKING UP OF THE GARRISON AT HIRRIHIGUA PEDRO CALDERON 

SETS OUT TO REJOIN THE GOVERNOR DESPERATE CONFLICT 

WITH THE NATIVES IN CROSSING THE GREAT SWAMP. 

1539. 

No sooner had Anasco and Arias set sail, than Calderon, with a 
force of seventy horse and fifty foot, sallied out of Hirrihigua, 
leaving the gardens and the fields they had planted in full and 
fresh vegetation. They reached the village of the kind Mucozo 
on the evening of the second day. He came out to welcome 
them, hospitably quartered them for that night, and the next day 
escorted them to the frontier of his dominions, where he took 
leave of them with many expressions of regret. 

Pedro Calderon continued his march until evening, when he 
encamped in a plain skirted by a forest. The night darkened 
apace, when of a sudden a party of savages rushed into the camp ; 
the Spaniards attacked them, sword in hand, and dispersed and 
pursued them to the entrance of the woods. No sooner, however, 
had they returned to the camp than the savages were on their 
track, and in this manner annoyed them all the night long. 
During these skirmishes, one of the horsemen pursued an In- 
dian ; who, hotly pressed, turned suddenly round with an arrow 



178 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



fixed in his bow, and drew at the same moment that the horse- 
man threw his lance. The savage fell dead, but not unrevenged; 
for his arrow pierced the horse's breast and brought him down 
npon the spot, so that Indian, Christian, and horse rolled together 
upon the ground. 

This Indian must have been one of their chief warriors ; for, 
upon his fall, they all immediately fled into the forest, and were 
not again seen. 

The horse thus slain, was the famous steed of Gonzalo Silves- 
tre. The Spaniards, astonished that this powerful animal should 
have died so suddenly, merely by the wound of an arrow, opened 
his body, and found that the dart had penetrated his breast, and 
passed through his heart to the very entrails — so powerful and 
adroit were the natives of Florida in the use of the bow. 

The next evening the Spaniards slept on the margin of the 
grand morass, and the following morning traversed it without 
opposition. They pushed on with forced marches, the horsemen 
dismounting by turns, and relieving the foot-soldiers. Thus 
they travelled for several days, without a single brush with the 
natives, finding refreshment and food in the villages. These 
were all abandoned, and the whole country was as silent as if 
uninhabited, until they arrived at the warlike province of Apa- 
lachee. 

Having encamped for a night upon the skirts of the thick 
forest bordering the morass, they entered on the following morn- 
ing the narrow defile, half a league in length, through the close 
woods, and reaching the water, the foot-soldiers passed over the 
Indian bridge of logs, while the horse swam the deepest part of 
the channel. Calderon, finding that they had passed over the 
deepest and most perilous part of the morass, wished to hasten 



BATTLE IN THE WATER. 179 



over the residue. He therefore ordered ten horsemen to take 
behind them five arquebusiers, and five cross-bowmen, and seize 
upon the narrow pass through the forest which was on the oppo- 
site bank. They set off at full speed through the water, when 
shrill cries and yells arose from different quarters, and Indians 
rushed forth from behind bushes, brakes, and the trunks of huge 
trees, and discharged showers of arrows at them. 

In the very first discharge, the horse of Alvaro Fernandez, 
a Portuguese, was killed, and five others were wounded. The 
horses, panic-struck with the sudden attack and clamor, turned 
and fled ; their masters could not restrain them. Plunging and 
rearing in the water, which was up to their breasts, they threw 
off the foot-soldiers, who were all wounded, as the wheeling of the 
horse exposed their shoulders to the fire of the enemy. The In- 
dians, perceiving their fall, rushed forward to dispatch them, 
giving their war-whoop and shout of victory. 

The suddenness of the attack, the overthrow of the ten 
archers, the flight of the horses, the thronging of hordes of sav- 
ages to the combat, produced a scene of wild confusion. The 
Spaniards were bewildered, and as the battle was in the water, 
and the horse could render them no assistance, they were greatly 
alarmed for the result of the conflict. 

The Indians, on the contrary, encouraged by the success of 
their first efforts, attacked the fallen archers with greater fury. 
The nearest Spaniards rushed across the bridge to their rescue. 
On their left advanced a formidable band of savages; about 
twenty paces before them stalked an Indian, perfectly naked, 
fearless and bold in his bearing, with a large plume of feathers 
upon his head. His object evidently was to gain the shelter of a 
huge tree, which lay between him and the Spaniards, from 



180 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



behind which he might annoy them, and even prevent their pass- 
ing. Gi-onzalo Silvestre, who happened to be near the tree, per- 
ceived his intention, and shouted out to Anton G-alvon. Galvon 
was one of those who had been dismounted and wounded, but, 
like a true soldier, he had kept hold of his cross-bow. He fol- 
lowed behind Silvestre, who shielded him with a quilted gar- 
ment, which he had found floating in the water ; advising him to 
shoot at none but the leading Indian, who was evidently the 
chief. In this manner they gained the tree, but the movement 
did not escape the observation of the savage ; he bent his bow, 
and in the twinkling of an eye sped three arrows. They were 
sent with unerring aim, but Silvestre received them upon the 
garment which he used as a shield, which, being wet, proved an 
effectual defence. 

Anton Galvon, who had reserved his fire until the Indian 
should draw near, now fixed a bolt in his cross-bow, and sent it 
with such good aim, that it pierced the savage through the 
breast ; the latter staggered a few paces, crying out to his follow- . 
ers, " These traitors have slain me." They rushed up to his aid, 
received him in their arms with dismal murmurs, and passing 
him from one to the other, conveyed him from the field of 
battle. 

The combat was not less cruel and bloody in other parts of 
the morass. A large body of the Indians advanced on the right. 
A valiant soldier, Andres de Meneses, with ten or twelve others, 
stood to receive them ; Andres received four arrows in his 
thighs and fell into the water ; luckily his large shield covered 
him, and the enemy, leaving him, fired upon his companions, five 
of whom were grievously wounded. 

The Indians, elated by their successes, considered the victory 



A CRITICAL JUNCTURE. 181 



as already theirs. The Spaniards were evidently losing ground, 
for only fifty of their number could be brought into the engage- 
ment, and the horse could neither render assistance, nor molest 
the enemy. They fought, however, desperately, for, with them, 
it was either victory or death. At this critical moment, the 
news spread among the Indians that their chief was mortally 
wounded. It gave an immediate check to their ardor, and they 
began slowly to retreat, though keeping up a constant discharge 
of arrows. 

The Spaniards, perceiving these signs of faltering among 
their adversaries, now rallied, charged upon them, and drove 
them out of the morass, pursued them to the narrow defile of 
the forest, and took possession of the cleared field in which De 
Soto had formerly encamped. 

This the savages had strongly fortified, but had abandoned it 
to go to the assistance of their chief. Here the Spaniards halted 
for the night, as the place was strong, and only accessible 
through the narrow defile. Scarcely a man among them es- 
caped without a wound ; and the least injured bound up and 
dressed the wounds of their comrades. Not an eye was closed 
this night, every man maintained an anxious vigil, and the 
savages who hovered around them kept up a dread and dismal 
howling until break of day. 

The lucky shot of Anton Galvon was the salvation of the 
Spaniards this day ; for the proud Indian who was laid low by 
his bolt, proved to be the chief, whose fall changed the tide of 
battle in their favor. But for this, every one of them would 
probably have been massacred. 

When morning came, they resumed their march, driving the 
enemy before them through the defile of the forest. At length 



182 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



they issued into the open woods, where the enemy availed them- 
selves of the same barriers and palisades which had stood there 
when De Soto passed. From behind these they would sally out, 
discharge a shower of arrows, and then retreat — wounding in 
this way above twenty Spaniards. Every inch of ground was 
disputed, until, at the end of two leagues, they came to an open 
plain, where the enemy left them through fear of the cavalry. 
They now marched on for five leagues, and halted in an open 
country, that the wounded might have some repose : but as soon 
as night set in, the Indians again beset the camp with yells 
and howlings, and bitter, taunting speeches. The little army of 
Spaniards was worn out by repeated assaults ; the horsemen 
would spring into their saddles and pursue the enemy helter- 
skelter. The Indians would launch their arrows and then fly in 
every direction ; but only to repeat the same annoyances the 
moment the troopers returned to the camp. 



CHAPTER XXXVI. 

FIERCE STRUGGLE WITH THE NATIVES AT THE PASSAGE OF A 
STREAM ARRIVAL AT THE VILLAGE OF APALACHEE. 

1539. 

With the day, the Spaniards continued their march, and came 
to a forest skirting a deep stream, which the Indians had ob- 
structed with palisades, and strong barriers placed here and 
there. Some of the Spaniards, having formerly passed through 
this, were enabled to counsel the mode of attack. It was ordered 
that those on horses should dismount, being better armed than 
the rest, and that thirty of them, with shields, swords, and 
hatchets, should go in the vanguard to destroy the barricades. 
Those lightly armed were to mount the horses, as they were of 
no use in this pass, and to go with the baggage and serving- 
men in the centre. The other twenty, who were well armed, 
were to form a rear-guard. In this order they entered the forest. 
The Indians, seeing that the Spaniards were few in number, 
and could not use their horses, charged with great impetuosity, 
confident of an easy conquest. The Spaniards forced their way 
to the palisades, where the battle became obstinate, the one 
struggling to cut a road, and the others to defend it. While 
some of the soldiers kept the enemy at bay with their swords, 
others hacked with their hatchets at the fastenings of wild vines 



184 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



by which the barriers were fastened as with cords. In this way 
they demolished them one by one, but at the expense of many 
grievous wounds. Alvaro Fernandez, the Portuguese, also lost 
another horse, which was transfixed with arrows. 

At length the Spaniards fought their way across this peril- 
ous pass, and then travelled with less trouble over the plains, 
where the enemy avoided them, through fear of the horses. But 
whenever there were any woods near the road, the Indians were 
sure to be in ambush, whence they would make their attacks, 
shouting, and repeating frequently these words, " Where are you 
going, robbers'? we have already killed your chief and all his 
warriors." 

In this manner these one hundred and fifty Spaniards, 
skirmishing and battling all day, arrived at sunset in Apalachee. 
They had to travel slowly, on account of the many who were 
wounded, ten or twelve of whom afterwards died ; one of these 
was Andres de Meneses, a valiant soldier. 

As they drew nigh the village, they became exceedingly 
anxious, for they descried neither man nor horse, nor any sign 
of life. They felt sure that the yells of the savages must have 
reached the village, and as their comrades came not out to their 
assistance, they dreaded lest the boasts of the natives, that 
they had dispatched De Soto and all his army, should prove 
true. 

They wound slowly into the village, but their anxiety was 
soon relieved by the sight of the governor, who received them 
like an affectionate father. They were hailed, too, by their com- 
rades, with shouts of joy, as men risen from the dead ; for the 
Indians, to grieve and alarm De Soto, had assured him that 
they were all slain by the road — a fate he thought too probable, 



CALDERON AT APALACHEE. 185 



when he considered that this little band of a hundred and twenty 
men had to cut their way through a wilderness in arms, which 
he, with a force of eight hundred men, had found such difficulty 
in passing. 

Among the first to greet Pedro Calderon on his arrival at 
Apalachee, was Juan de Anasco. This cavalier had made his 
voyage in the two brigantines, without any adverse accident, and 
arrived safely in the Bay of Aute on the 29th of December.* 
The governor had calculated the probable time it would take for 
Anasco to make his journey and his voyage, and had taken pre- 
cautions accordingly. For twelve days before his arrival, com- 
panies of horse and foot marched and countermarched between 
the camp and the bay, so that while one body was advancing 
towards the fort, the other was returning. In this way they kept 
the road clear of the enemy, and, when at the bay, placed their 
standards in the highest trees, that they might be readily 
descried from the sea. 

Juan de Anasco saw them, landed confidently and without 
molestation, and, leaving his brigantines well manned in the bay, 
came up under the escort of the companies to the camp. 

It was a great gratification for Anasco and Calderon to meet 
each other, and be once more united to the governor and their 
other brother officers and soldiers. Companionship in toils and 
dangers had attached them strongly to each other, and the proofs 
they had of each other's fortitude and valor made them ready, 
when together, to brave the greatest perils and hardships. Thus 
happily united, a little fraternity in arms, in the midst of a hostile 0!k 
wilderness, this band of adventurous Spaniards passed their win- 
ter cheerily together in the village of Apalachee. 

* Portuguese Relation, c. 12. 



CHAPTER XXXVII. 

THE EXPLORING EXPEDITION OF DIEGO MALDONADO. 
1539. 

A few days after the arrival of Juan de Anasco, the governor 
called to him the hardy and trusty Diego Maldonado, and, ad- 
vising him to leave his own band of followers under the command 
of his comrade, Juan de Guzman, ordered him to speed to the Bay 
of Aute, set sail with the brigantines, and explore the coast to 
the westward, taking note of all its rivers, bays, and harbors. 

Maldonado set sail as directed, and coasted along to the west 
for seventy leagues, when he discovered a very beautiful harbor, 
called Achusi.* It was land-locked and completely sheltered 
from all winds, ample enough for a fleet to ride in, and its shores 
so bold, that a vessel might anchor near the land. 

The natives invited him on shore with many proffers of hos- 
pitality. Seeing he mistrusted them, they came, without hesita- 
tion, on board of the brigantines, and traded with the Spaniards, 
bringing them whatever they demanded. This friendly inter- 

* The present Bay of Penaacola. Vide Martin's Louisiana, Vol. i. p. 10. 
The Portuguese narrator calls this port Ochuse, and says that Maldonado set 
out by land, with a detachment of fifty foot-soldiers, and marched along the 
coast until he discovered the bay. We follow the Inca's account, which is 
adopted by Herrera and others. 



CAPTURE OF THE CACIQUE. 187 



course gave Maldonado opportunities to go about in his small 
boats, to take soundings, and note all the advantages of the bay. 
The cacique, moved by the representations his Subjects brought 
of the brigantines, and relying on the good faith of the strangers, 
in a luckless hour ventured on board. The Spaniards, having 
made all the necessary observations, and being apprised of the 
rank of one of their visitors, hastily weighed anchor ; thus re- 
quiting the hospitality of the simple-hearted natives by treach- 
erously bearing away their cacique prisoner. In two months 
from the time of his departure, Maldonado was again at the 
camp. 

De Soto was rejoiced at the accounts given of the Bay of 
Achusi. It was the kind of seaport required for his projected 
empire ; and where he might receive the reinforcements and sup- 
plies from Havana, necessary to the prosecution of his grand 
scheme of conquest and colonization. It was now the latter part 
of February ; he dispatched Maldonado in the brigantines to 
Havana, to proclaim his success, and to return with those vessels, 
the caravel of Gromez Arias, and any other shipping he could pur- 
chase, well freighted with clothing, weapons and ammunition of 
all kinds. Gomez Arias was likewise to return with him, as De 
Soto had a great opinion of his prudence and sagacity in council, 
and his hardihood, perseverance, and intrepidity in warfare. 
They were to rendezvous in the bay of Achusi in the following 
month of October, at which time De Soto proposed to meet them 
there, having, in the interim, made a circuit through the interior 
of the country, to explore the surrounding provinces.* 

* Portuguese Narrative, c. 12. Carcilaso de la Vega, P. ii. L. ii. c. 23. 



CHAPTER XXXVIII. 

STRANGE ADVENTURES THAT BEFELL THE SPANIARDS WHILE WIN- 
TERING IN APALACHEE. 

1539. 

The natives of Apalachee were a race large of stature, of amazing 
vigor of arm and intrepidity of spirit, and seemed to delight in 
war. During the whole winter they kept up alarms by day and 
night, never ceasing from stratagems and assaults ; but the vigi- 
lance and promptness of the governor, and his great skill in In- 
dian warfare, foiled every attempt of consequence. They never 
pretended to oppose any body of soldiers drawn up in squadron, 
but roved in bands about the forest to surprise foraging parties, 
or lurked about among thickets to cut off any stragglers from the 
camp. 

If a small party repaired to the forest to cut wood, the sound 
of their axes would sometimes attract a host of foes, who, coming 
upon them by stealth, would surround and massacre them, break 
the chains of the Indian prisoners who had been brought to carry 
away the wood, and bear off the scalps of the slain as trophies 
wherewith to decorate their bows. In this way they picked off 
more than twenty soldiers, and rendered the vicinity of the village 
so dangerous, that the Spaniards rarely ventured to any distance 
unless well armed and in strong parties. One day, however, 



ENCOUNTER WITH AN INDIAN. 189 



Juan de Anasco and six other cavaliers, while riding about the 
village, chatting familiarly, extended their ride into the adjacent 
fields. Not intending to venture far, and being in a negligent 
mood, they wore no defensive armor, nor any weapons but their 
swords, excepting one of their number named Estevan Pegado, 
who had a helmet and lance. 

Thus sauntering along, conversing, they spied in a glade of 
the woods hard by, a male and female Indian, and spurred forward 
to make them prisoners. The female was so terrified at sight of 
the horses, that she stood like one petrified. The husband seized 
her in his arms, ran with her to the woods, and thrust her among 
the bushes ; then, seeming to scorn flight, he returned to where 
he had left his bow and arrows, and seizing them up, made face 
against the enemy. 

The Spaniards were pleased with his spirit, and determined 
to take him alive. Rushing upon him, therefore, before he had 
time to discharge an arrow, they threw him down, and crowded 
upon him to prevent his rising, while Estevan Pegado with his 
lance kept him to the ground. The harder he was pressed the 
more furious he became. He writhed and struggled under the 
horses' feet, and wounded them in the flanks and belly with 
thrusts of his bow. At length, with a desperate effort, he sprang 
on his feet, seized his bow in both hands, and dealt Estevan Pe- 
gado such a blow across the forehead that the blood streamed 
down his face. u Plague on it," cried Pegado, "if we treat this 
savage thus daintily, he will kill us all seven." So saying, he 
rose in his stirrups, thrust his lance through the breast of the 
Indian, and pinned him dead to the earth. 

In this rough affray all the horses were more or less wounded, 
and one of them afterwards died of his wounds. The cavaliers 



190 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



returned to the camp, wondering at the temerity and prowess of 
the savage, and not a little ashamed to confess that one single 
Indian had treated them so roughly. 

At another time, a party of twenty horse and fifty foot sal- 
lied out on a foraging expedition to gather maize. After collect- 
ing an ample supply, they placed themselves in ambush in a 
hamlet about a league from their quarters, in hopes of entrap- 
ping some Indians. In the highest part of what appeared to be 
a temple, they placed a sentry, who after some time descried an 
Indian moving stealthily across the public square ; casting 
around furtive glances, as if he dreaded a concealed foe. 

The sentinel gave the alarm, and Diego de Soto, nephew to 
the governor, one of the best soldiers in the army, and an excel- 
lent horseman, spurred into the square to capture him. Diego 
Velasquez, master of the horse to the governor, followed at a 
distance on a hand-gallop, to aid De Soto in case of need. 

The Indian, seeing them approach, trusted for safety to that 
fleetness of foot for which his countrymen were remarkable. 
Finding, however, that the horse gained upon him, he took refuge 
under a tree, as the natives were accustomed to do, when they 
had no lances to defend them from the horses. Here, fixing an 
arrow in his bow, he awaited the approach of the enemy. Diego 
de Soto came galloping up to the tree, but. not being able to ride 
under it, wheeled close alongside and made a thrust with his 
lance over his left arm at the Indian as he dashed by. The lat- 
ter evaded the blow, and, drawing his arrow to the head, let fly 
at the moment that the horse was abreast of him. The shaft 
buried itself just between the girth and the stirrup-leather; the 
horse went stumbling forward fifteen or twenty paces, and fell 
dead without further motion. 



FATE OF THE SPANIARDS. 191 



Diego Velasquez spurred up to the relief of his comrade, and, 
brushing by the tree, made a lunge with his lance in the same 
manner. His luck was the same ; — the Indian dodged the lance, 
shot another arrow just behind the stirrup-leather, and sent the 
horse tumbling forward to take his place beside his companion. 
The two cavaliers sprang upon their feet, and rushed upon the 
Indian lance in hand. The savage, however, contented himself 
with his good fortune, and made off for the woods, just keeping 
an even pace ahead of them, scoffing and making grimaces, and 
crying out, " Let us all fight on foot, and we shall then see who 
is the best." With this taunt he took refuge among the thickets, 
leaving the cavaliers to mourn over the loss of their steeds. 

Some few days after the misfortune of these two horsemen, 
Simon Rodriguez and Roque de Yelves set out on horseback to 
gather fruit in the woods skirting the village. Not satisfied with 
plucking it from the lower branches, seated in their saddles, 
they climbed the tree to gather it from the topmost boughs, fancy- 
ing it of better flavor. While thus busied, Roque de Yelves 
gave the alarm of Indians at hand, and throwing himself from 
the tree, ran to recover his horse; but an arrow, with a barb of 
flint, entered between his shoulders and came out of his breast ; 
he stumbled forward and lay stretched upon the ground. Rodri- 
guez was too much terrified to descend. They shot at him like 
a wild beast, and he fell dead, pierced by three arrows. Scarce 
had he touched the ground when they scalped him and bore off" 
the trophy in triumph. The arrival of some Spaniards to the 
rescue saved the scalp of poor Roque de Yelves. He related 
in a few words the event, and, making confession, immediately 
expired. The horses of the slain Spaniards fled towards the 
camp, at the tumult and attack of the Indians. Upon the thigh 



192 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



of one of them was perceived a drop of blood. He was taken 
to a farrier, who, seeing that the wound was no greater than that 
of a lancet, said that there was nothing to cure. On the morn- 
ing of the ensuing day the horse died. The Spaniards, suspect- 
ing that he had been struck by an arrow, opened the body at the 
wound, and, following the trace of it, found an arrow which had 
passed through the thigh and the entrails and lodged in the hol- 
low of the breast. They were perfectly amazed at the result of 
the examination, for an arquebuse could scarce have sent a ball 
so far. 



CHAPTER XXXIX. 

TIDINGS OP A GOLD REGION THE SPANIARDS BREAK UP THEIR 

WINTER CANTONMENT A FATAL ENCOUNTER. 

1540. 

The governor remained five months in winter quarters ; and 
such was the fertility of the province of Apalachee, and the 
quantity of beans, pumpkins, maize and various other kinds of 
grain, pulse and vegetables, besides a variety of fruits, that there 
was no need of foraging more than a league and a half round 
the village to find food in abundance, though the force consisted 
of fifteen hundred persons, including Indians, and above three 
hundred horses. 

During this time De Soto endeavored to collect information 
respecting the country in the interior, that he might regulate his 
march in the spring. In the course of the winter two Indian 
lads of about sixteen years of age were brought to him, who were 
natives of distant provinces, and had travelled with Indian 
traders. They offered to guide him to those provinces ; and 
one in particular spoke of a remote province towards the east, 
called Cofachiqui, governed by a female cacique, whose town was 
of great size, and who received tribute from all her neighbors. 
The Spaniards shoved him jewels of gold, pieces of silver, and 



194 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



rings set with pearls and precious stones ; and endeavored to 
ascertain if any of those articles were to be found in Cofachiqui. 
He gave them no doubt a vague and blundering reply, which 
they interpreted according to their wishes. They understood 
him that the chief traffic in that province was in those yellow 
and white metals,* and that pearls were to be found there in 
abundance. It was determined, therefore, to march in search of 
Cofachiqui. 

Accordingly, in the month of March (1540) Hernando de 
Soto broke up his winter cantonment, and proceeded to the 
northeast. Being apprised that they must travel many leagues 
through an unpeopled wilderness, the governor ordered his men 
to provide themselves with provisions. The Indians they had 
captured and made servants, being exposed naked, and in irons, 
during the severe cold weather, had nearly all perished, so that 
each soldier was obliged to carry his supply on his back. After 
a toilsome march, they arrived on the evening of the third day 
at a small village called Capachiqui.f It was situated on high 
ground on a kind of peninsula, being nearly surrounded by a 
miry marsh, more than a hundred paces broad, traversed in 
various directions by wooden bridges. The village commanded 
an extensive view over a beautiful valley, sprinkled with small 
hamlets. Here the troops remained for three days. 

About noon of the second day, five halberdiers of the general's 
guard sallied from the village, accompanied by two other soldiers, 
Francisco de Aguilar and Andres Moreno. The latter was a 

* The Portuguese narrator asserts, that the lad described the manner in 
which the gold was digged, melted, and refined, with such accuracy, that 
those who were experienced in mining declared he must have witnessed the 
process. 

f Portuguese Narrative, c. 13. 



INDIAN ENCOUNTER. 195 



gay, good humored fellow, and from frequently using the excla- 
mation Angels ! was nicknamed Angel Moreno. These boon 
companions sallied forth, without orders from their superiors, 
and in a heedless manner, merely to amuse themselves, and take 
a look at the neighboring hamlets. The five guards were armed 
with their halberts, Aguilar with his sword and shield, Moreno 
with a sword and lance. They crossed the bog, and a strip of 
thickets about twenty paces wide, beyond which was an open 
country with corn-fields. 

Scarce had they advanced two hundred paces, when the ever- 
watchful Indians sprang out from their lurking places. The 
startling cries and shouts of both parties roused the soldiers, 
who were reposing quietly in the village. They took not time to 
cross by the bridges, but dashed across the swamp, where the 
water was up to their breasts, and rushed to the rescue. It was 
too late ; the Indians had disappeared ; and the five halberdiers 
lay lifeless upon the ground, each pierced with ten or twelve 
arrows. Moreno was yet alive, but transfixed with an arrow, 
barbed with flint, and the moment it was extracted from his 
breast he expired. Aguilar, who was a hardy soldier, more 
robust than his companions, had defended himself stoutly ; he 
was alive, though badly wounded, and sadly battered about the 
head. The Indians, having exhausted all their arrows, had 
closed with him, and belabored him with their bows. "With such 
might did they wield them, that Aguilar's shield was shivered in 
pieces, and his skull laid bare. 

As they bore him back to the encampment they inquired as 
to the numbers of the enemy, and he declared there were more 
than fifty, which he said was the reason why his party had been 
so suddenly defeated. One day, being nearly recovered from 

9 



19 6 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



his wounds, his comrades began to jeer in a rough soldier-like 
style, asking him whether he had counted the blows he had 
received, and if they had hurt much. " 1 counted not the 
number of the blows/' replied Aguilar somewhat crustily, " but 
you will, one day or other, receive the like, and then you will 
learn whether they hurt or not." Being further bantered on the 
subject, he broke forth in testimony of the valor and generosity 
of the Indian warriors. " You must know," said he, " that a 
band of more than fifty savages sprang out of the thickets to 
attack us ; the moment, however, they saw that we were but seven, 
and without our horses, seven warriors stepped forth, and the 
rest retired to some distance. They began the attack, and as 
we had neither arquebuse nor cross-bow, we were entirely at their 
mercy. Being more agile and fleet of foot than our men, they 
leaped around us like so many devils, with horrid laughter, 
shooting us down like wild beasts, without our being able to 
close with them. My poor comrades fell one after the other, 
and the savages seeing me alone, all seven rushed upon me, and 
with their bows battered me as you witnessed. I concealed all 
this before, through a sense of shame ; but so it really happened, 
and may it serve as a warning to you all, never to disobey orders 
and sally forth in like careless manner." 

The story of honest Aguilar had probably received from him 
a romantic coloring ; yet, such instances of magnanimity, or 
rather bravado, are said to have been common among the war- 
riors of Apalachee. They had great confidence in their own 
courage, strength, and dexterity, considering themselves equal, 
if not superior, to the Spaniards, when equally armed, and when 
the latter were not mounted on their horses : at such times they 
would often disdain to avail themselves of superior numbers. 



CHAPTER XL. 

j 

RECEPTION OP THE SPANIARDS BY THE NATIVES OF ATAPAHA 

THEIR ARRIVAL AT THE PROVINCE OF COFA, AND WHAT HAP- 
PENED THERE. 

1540. 

Leaving this village, the army in two days crossed the frontier 
of Apalachee, and entered the province of Atapaha.* It was 
the custom of the governor, on entering a new province, to lead 
the way himself, and see every thing with his own eyes, rather 
than trust to the accounts of others. He accordingly chose 
forty horse, and seventy foot, well armed with shields, arque- 
buses, and cross-bows, and penetrated the country in advance of 
his army. On the morning of the third day, they came in sight 
of the village of Achese. The Indians had fled to the forests, 
carrying with them their wives, children, and effects. The 
horsemen, dashing into the village, made six prisoners, two of 
whom were warriors that had remained behind to remove the 
infirm. 

The two warriors came into the presence of the governor, 
with a fearless and lofty demeanor. " What seek you in our 
land ?" said they, not waiting to be questioned * " Peace or 

* The river Atapapaha may derive its name from this ancient province. 



198 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



war?" De Soto replied through his interpreter, Juan Ortiz, 
"We seek not war with any one, but peace and friendship We 
are in search of a distant province, and all we ask is food by the 
road." The warriors instantly offered to supply the wants of 
the army. They sent two of their companions to their cacique to 
relate all that they had heard and seen, and charged them to 
warn all the Indians that they should meet, that the Spaniards 
came as friends, and were to be received and aided accordingly. 
On the departure of the three messengers, De Soto ordered the 
Indians to be set at liberty, and regaled and treated as friends. 

De Soto, being rejoined by his army, reposed for three days 
in this village, and then resumed his march northeast, ascending 
for ten days along the banks of a river, skirted by groves of 
mulberry -trees, and winding through luxuriantly fertile valleys.* 
The natives were peaceable and domestic in their habits, and 
never broke the peace which they formed with the Spaniards. 

On the eleventh day they crossed the boundaries of Ata- 
paha, and entered the province of Cofa,f having, according to 
custom, sent messengers in advance with proffers of peace to the 
cacique. This chieftain, in reply, sent a deputation of two thou- 
sand Indians to De Soto, with a present of rabbits, partridges, 
maize, and a great number of dogs. The latter were held in 

* Supposed by some to be the Flint river ; but Col. Pickett is confident 
that the village of Apalachee, where the army had wintered, was in the 
neighborhood of the modern town of Tallahassee, and that, consequently, the 
Spaniards never touched the Flint river. 

f "We have followed the Portuguese Narrative here, as the Inca's is evi- 
dently in error in making the Spaniards enter the province of Achalaque (the 
country of the Cherokees) at so early a period. This tribe dwelt much 
further to the northward on the skirts of the Apalachian Mountains, and was 
not reached by the Spaniards until a month afterwards. The Portuguese his 
torian calls this province Ocute. 



FRIENDLY RECEPTION. 199 



high esteem by the Spaniards ; for, next to their want of salt, 
the greatest cause of suffering was the scarcity of meat. G-ame 
was abundant, and amply furnished the natives with food, for 
they were very skilful in the use of the bow and arrow, and very 
expert in making all kinds of traps. The Spaniards, however, 
being constantly on the march, had no time for hunting ; and, 
moreover, dared not to leave their ranks for fear of falling into 
some ambush of the enemy. 

The cacique of Cofa received the Spaniards with a generous 
welcome, giving up his own mansion to the governor, and pro- 
viding quarters to the army. The province over which he ruled 
was very fertile, plentiful, and populous. The natives were 
peaceful and domestic in their habits, and extremely affable. 
They treated these strangers with much kindness, and detained 
them five days with their hospitality. 

The Adelantado had brought with him, thus far, a piece of 
ordnance, but finding it exceedingly burthensome and of little 
use, he determined to leave it with the cacique. That the 
natives might have some idea of its use, he ordered it to be 
loaded, and pointed at a huge oak without the village. In two 
shots, the tree was laid prostrate, to the infinite amazement of 
the cacique and his subjects. 

De Soto told them he left this wonderful machine, as a re- 
ward for their friendship and kind hospitality ; to be taken care 
of until he should return or send for it. The cacique and his 
warriors were deeply impressed with this mark of confidence, 
and promised that it should be guarded with vigilant care. 

On the sixth day the army resumed their march in quest of 
the adjoining province of Cofaqui, whose cacique was an elder 
brother of Cofa's, and was much more opulent and powerful. 



200 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



Cofa and his warriors escorted the army during one day's march, 
and would have continued to the frontier, but the governor 
would not give his assent. The cacique, having taken an affec- 
tionate leave of the Spaniards, ordered his people to accompany 
the strangers, and do all in their power to serve them. At the 
same time, he directed a chief to go before, and warn his brother 
Cofaqui of the approach of the Spaniards, and beseech him to 
receive them kindly. The Adelantado continued his march 
through a pleasant and luxuriant country, fertilized by many 
rivers, and inhabited by a more docile and gentle race than any 
he had yet seen. At the end of six days he bid adieu to the 
territory of Cofa.* 

* Portuguese Narrative, c. 13. 



CHAPTER ILL 

RECEPTION OF THE ARMY BY THE CACIQUE. PREPARATIONS FOR 

PENETRATING TO THE PROVINCE OF COFACHIQUL 

1540. 

The moment the cacique Cofaqui received the message of his 
brother, he dispatched four chieftains, with a train of Indians, 
to welcome the Spaniards to his dominions. 

This message diffused joy throughout the whole army. They 
marched eheerily forward, and soon came to the confines of 
Cofaqui, where they dismissed the Indians of Cofa. When the 
cacique knew by his scouts that the Christians were near, he 
went out to receive them with a retinue of warriors, richly deco- 
rated, with bows and arrows in their hands, tall plumes upon 
their heads, and over their shoulders rich mantles of martin 
skin, finely dressed. Many kind words were exchanged, the 
Indians and Spaniards unsuspiciously mingled together, and en- 
tered the village with joyous shouts. The cacique conducted 
the governor to his own house, and retired himself to a neigh- 
boring hamlet. 

Early the next morning the cacique came to visit De Soto. 
He freely imparted every information respecting his own terri- 
tory, and spoke of a plentiful and populous province, called 



202 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



Cosa, winch lay to the northwest.* As to the province of Cofa- 
chiqui, he said that it lay contiguous to his dominions, but that 
a vast wilderness of seven days' journey intervened, f Should 
the governor, however, persist in seeking it, he offered to send 
a band of his warriors to accompany him, and promised to fur- 
nish him with all necessary supplies for the journey. De Soto 
had fixed his mind too intently on Cofachiqui to be diverted 
from his course, and signified his intention of continuing on. 
Scouts were accordingly sent out in every direction, to assemble 
the Indians, and in four days the village was thronged with 
them. Four thousand warriors were to escort and guide the 
Spaniards, and four thousand retainers to carry their supplies 
and clothing. The chief articles of provisions were maize, 
dried plums, grapes, walnuts, and acorns ; for the Indians had 
no domestic animals, and depended for flesh upon the produce 
of the chase. 

The Spaniards, seeing themselves surrounded by such a mul- 
titude of Indians, although they were assembled for their ser- 
vice, kept a vigilant and unremitting watch by day and by 
night, lest, under the guise of friendship, they should attempt 
their destruction. But it soon appeared that these troops were 
destined for warfare in another quarter. A few days before 
the time appointed for the departure of the Spaniards, the gene- 
ral and his officers being in the public square, the cacique 
ordered his chief warrior to be called. " You well know," said 
he to him, " that a perpetual enmity and warfare has existed be- 
tween our fathers and the Indians of Cofachiqui. That bitter 
hatred, you are aware, has not abated one jot ; the deep wrongs, 
the notorious injuries we have suffered from that vile tribe still 

* Portuguese Relation, c. 14. f Gareilaso de la Vega, ILL c. 4. 



DEPARTURE OF THE SPANIARDS. 203 



rankle in our hearts, unrevenged ! The present opportunity 
must not be lost ! 

You, the leader of my warriors, must accompany this chief 
and his braves, under their protection to wreak vengeance on our 
enemies ! I need say no more to you, I leave our cause and our 
honor in your hands !" 

9* 



CHAPTER XLII. 

SOME ACCOUNT OF THE CHIEFTAIN PATOFA. THE INDIAN BOY 

PEDRO HAS A MARVELLOUS VISITATION. 

1540. 

The Indian leader, whose name was Patofa, was of a graceful 
form and striking features. His expression was haughty and 
noble, promising dauntless courage for war, and gentleness and 
kindness in peace. His whole demeanor showed that the cacique 
had not unwisely "bestowed his trust. He rose, and throwing 
aside his mantle of skin, seized a broadsword made of palmwood, 
which a servant carried behind him, as a badge of his rank. 
He cut and thrust with it, as skilfully as a master of fence, much 
to the admiration of the Spaniards. After going through many 
singular evolutions, he stopped suddenly before the cacique and 
made a profound reverence. " I pledge my word," said he, " to 
fulfil your commands as far as in my power ; and I promise, 
by the favor of the strangers, to revenge the insults, the deaths, 
and the losses, our fathers have sustained from the natives of 
Cofachiqui. My vengeance shall be such, that the memory of 
past evils shall be wiped away for ever. My daring to reappear 
in your presence, will be a token that your commands have been 
executed. For, should the fates deny my hopes, never again 
shall you behold me, never again shall the sun shine upon me ! 



A SINGULAR EVENT. 205 



If the enemy deny me death, my own hand will find the road ! 
I will inflict upon myself the punishment my cowardice or evil 
fortune will merit!" 

The cacique Cofaqui rose and embraced him. " I consider," 
replied he, " what you have promised as certain as though it 
were already accomplished, therefore reward you, as for services 
already rendered." Saying this, he took from his shoulders a 
mantle of beautiful martin skins, and placed it with his own 
hand upon the shoulders of Patofa. A present of a mantle or 
plume, or any other article of dress, was considered by the na- 
tives of this country as the greatest honor their chief could con- 
fer upon them, more especially when presented in person.* 

A singular event happened the night before the departure of 
the army. One of the two boys taken prisoner in the province 
of Apalachee had guided them thus far. The other, whom they 
named Pedro, was to conduct them thence to the dominions of 
Cofachiqui, where they expected to find gold, silver, and precious 
stones. About the mid watch, this youth woke the soldiery with 
his screams of murder, and calls for help. The alarm spread 
throughout the encampment ; they dreaded some treachery of 
the Indians ; the trumpets sounded to arms ; all was tumult ; 
they buckled on their armor, seized their weapons, and prepared 
for action. When it was discovered that no enemy was at hand, 
an inquiry was made whence the alarm had proceeded. They 
found the Indian boy Pedro half dead, trembling with fear and 
terror, and foaming at the mouth like a maniac. When they 
asked him why he had called for help with such strange outcries, 
he said that a demon, with a huge visage, accompanied by fright- 
ful imps, had appeared, and forbidden him, under pain of death, 

* Garcilaso de la Vega, L. iii. c. 5. 



206 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



to guide the Spaniards to the land he had promised ; at the 
same time they had dragged him out of his hut and beat him., 
until he was so bruised and weakened that he could not move. 
He added, that the demon, seeing the Christians approach, had 
vanished with all his imps — he knew from this, that the devils 
feared the Christians, and begged they would baptize him im- 
mediately, lest the demon should return and kill him. 

The Spaniards were perplexed by this story, which seemed to 
be corroborated by the contusions and swellings on the boy's face 
and body. The priests, being called in, baptized him, and re- 
mained with him during this night and the following day, to 
confirm him in the faith.* As the boy proved to be an elaborate 
liar on various occasions, the foregoing tale may be considered a 
marvel of his own invention. The cacique accompanied the army 
two leagues on their march, when, charging Patofa anew faithfully 
to serve the Spaniards, he took an affectionate leave and returned 
to his home. 

* The Portuguese narrator says the Gospel was read over him and he re- 
covered. 



CHAPTER XLIII. 

THE DESERTION OP AN INDIAN, AND HOW HE WAS PUNISHED 

THE ARMY LOST IN A TRACKLESS WILDERNESS. 

1540. 

The Spaniards marched by themselves, formed into squadrons, 
with a van and rear-guard. Patofa and his four thousand war- 
riors marched in like order, with the Indians who carried the 
provisions in the centre ; for the natives sought eagerly to rival 
the white men in every thing relating to the art of war. 

By night, likewise, they lodged separately, and as soon as the 
Indians who carried the supplies had delivered up the provisions 
to the Spaniards, they went away and slept with their companions. 
Both armies posted their sentinels, and they watched each other, 
as though they were enemies. The Spaniards were particularly 
vigilant ; for, seeing the order and regularity observed by the 
Infidels, they mistrusted them. The latter, however, were en- 
tirely free from any evil designs, and rather manifested a desire 
to please the strangers in every thing. The stationing of sentinels 
and other camp forms observed by them, were more to prove 
themselves men accustomed to war, than through any doubts of 
the Spaniards. These precautions they observed the whole time 
they were together. The second night of their march, they slept 



208 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



at the commencement of an extensive uninhabited tract lying be- 
tween the provinces of Cofaqui and Cofachiqui. 

The country upon which they now entered, though deserted, 
was pleasant, diversified with easy hills, open forests, and frequent 
streams. 

On the fourth day an Indian deserted, and made off in the 
direction of his home. Patofa immediately sent four young war- 
riors in pursuit of him, with orders to bring him back manacled. 
They set off with the swiftness of deer, and soon returned, bring- 
ing him prisoner. Patofa ordered him to be led to the banks of 
a small stream that flowed through the encampment. Here he 
was stripped, and commanded to throw himself upon the ground 
and drink the streamlet dry. The poor culprit drank until he 
could no more, but the moment he raised his head from the 
stream, five Indians who were posted over him, with clubs in 
their hands, belabored him cruelly until he resumed his task. 
Some of his comrades hastened to the governor, and implored 
him to intercede with Patofa, or the poor wretch would be com- 
pelled to drink until he died. The intercessions of the governor 
were effectual ; the prisoner was released, but was half dead with 
the quantity of water he had been forced to swallow. 

In the course of their march through this unpeopled tract of 
country, they came to two rivers, a cross-bow shot broad, and so 
deep and rapid, that the infantry could not maintain their foot- 
ing. They made, therefore, a kind of dam by placing their horses 
side by side across the stream, to break its fury, until the foot- 
soldiers and Indians had forded it. 

About noon on the seventh day, their march was arrested, 
and the whole army thrown into confusion by the sudden termi- 
nation of the broad road which they had followed thus far. They 



DESPERATE SITUATION OF DE SOTO. 209 



pursued many narrow winding paths leading into dense and 
tangled forests. These after being followed for a short distance 
would likewise entirely disappear. 

Their Indian allies were here quite as much at loss, not one 
of them being able to point out the proper path. De Soto then 
ordered Patofa into his presence. " Why," said he to him, 
" have you under the mask of friendship led us into this wilder- 
ness, whence we can discover no way of extricating ourselves % 
I will never believe, that among eight thousand Indians there is 
not one to be found capable of showing us the way to Cofachiqui. 
It is not at all likely that you, who have maintained perpetual 
war with that tribe, should know nothing of the public road and 
secret paths leading from one village to another." 

Patofa replied that neither he nor any of his followers had 
ever been in this place before. " The wars," said he, " which 
have been waged between these two provinces, have not been 
carried on by pitched battles, nor invasions of either party ; but 
by skirmishes between small bands, who resort to the streams 
and rivers we have crossed, to fish ; and also by combats between 
hunting parties ; as the wilderness we have traversed is the com- 
mon hunting-ground of both nations. The natives of Cofachiqui 
are more powerful and have always worsted us in fight ; our peo- 
ple, therefore, were dispirited and dared not to pass over their 
own frontiers. Do you suspect that I have led your army into 
these deserts to perish ? If so, take what hostages you please. 
If my head will suffice, take it — if not, you may behead every In- 
dian, as they will obey my mandate even to the death."* 

The frank and feeling manner in which these words were de- 
livered, convinced the governor of Patofa's truth and trustwor- 

* Garcilaso de la Vega, Lib. iii. c. 6. 



210 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



thiness. He then called to him Pedro, the Indian boy who had 
guided them thus far, with such a perfect knowledge of the coun- 
try, that, the evening previous, he had pointed out exactly where 
they would find the road on the following morning. De Soto 
threatened to throw him to the dogs for thus deceiving him. 
The boy, however, appeared to be really bewildered, and seemed 
to have suddenly lost all his former sagacity ; he said it was four 
or five years since he had travelled through the wilderness, and 
he could not now tell where they were. 

They resumed their march, wandering through the glades 
and openings of the forest, and at sunset were arrested by a 
wide, deep, and unfordable river. This sight filled them with 
dismay. They had neither rafts nor canoes with which to cross 
the stream, nor food to keep them alive while these were being 
constructed. Their provisions were consumed, as they had only 
brought supplies for the seven days, which it had been computed 
they would take to traverse the desert. The road lost, without 
a guide, without food, before them a deep impassable river, 
behind them an uninhabited wilderness, and on each side a 
trackless forest ! Their situation was indeed dreary and dis- 
heartening. 



CHAPTER XLIV. 

PARTIES DISPATCHED IN DIFFERENT DIRECTIONS TO SEEK SOME 

OUTLET TO THIS WILDERNESS SUFFERINGS OF THE ARMY FOR 

WANT OF FOOD SUCCESS OF JUAN DE ANASCo's EXPEDITION, 

1540. 

The governor left the army encamped in a grove of pine-trees, 
and, taking a guide and a detachment of horse and foot, struck 
into the depths of the forest. He returned late in the evening, 
greatly perplexed and troubled, having penetrated five or six 
leagues into the wilderness without discovering any signs that the 
country was inhabited. 

Early the following morning he called a council of his officers 
to consider the critical situation of the army, and decide whether 
they should turn in another direction, or retrace their steps. 
Their supplies of maize were exhausted ; both horse and rider 
were way-worn, dispirited and enfeebled for want of food, and it 
was extremely doubtful whether they would be able to reach a 
place of refreshment ; moreover, the Indians, taking advantage 
of their weakened condition, might assail them, so that their 
return would probably be in the face of both war and famine. It 
was resolved, therefore, not to move their encampment until 
some road or outlet from this wilderness should be discovered. 
The governor then dispatched parties of troopers in every direc- 



212 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



tion to seek for some habitation. These returned at nightfall, 
some leading their wearied horses by the bridle, others driving 
them before them, having discovered neither road nor human 
dwelling.* De Soto then ordered four bands of horse and two 
of foot to start, two up the course of the river, and two down it ; 
one party keeping along the bank, and the other a league inland, 
in hopes that one or the other would find a road or an inhabited 
place. He directed each of the captains to return in five 
days. 

Captain Juan de Anasco, who commanded one of the detach- 
ments, was accompanied by Patofa, who was unwilling to remain 
in the camp, and the Indian boy, Pedro, who, abashed at having 
lost the road, thought that by going on this expedition he might 
succeed in redeeming his character. With each company of 
Spaniards went a thousand Indian warriors, who scattered them- 
selves about the forests to seek for a road. 

The governor remained on the bank of the river waiting 
their return, where he and his people suffered great distress for 
want of food ; having little to eat excepting the tendrils of wild 
vines, which they found in the woods. The four thousand In- 
dians who remained with him sallied out every morning, and 
returned at night, some with herbs and roots that were eatable, 
others with fish ; and others, again, with birds and small animals 
killed with their bows and arrows. All of these they brought to 
the army ; and although they were exhausted, and almost fam- 
ished themselves, yet such was their fidelity and respect that 
they tasted nothing until they had first presented what they 
had to the Spaniards. The hardy soldiers were touched by this 
generosity of spirit, and gave the Indians the greater part of the 

* Portuguese Narrative, c. 14. 



THE FAMISHING ARE FED. 213 



food they brought. These supplies, however, were by no means 
sufficient for the subsistence of such a multitude. 

During three days the army suffered extreme privations. 
The governor, finding they could no longer endure this excess of 
hunger, ordered some of the hogs which they had brought with 
them for the breed to be killed, and half a pound of meat was 
portioned out to each Spaniard ; which, however, rather served to 
augment than to allay the hunger of half-famished men. Not- 
withstanding their pressing wants, they generously divided their 
pittance with the poor savages, whose necessities were equally 
great. 

De Soto fared equally with his men in every respect ; and 
though troubled and anxious for the fate of his great expedition, 
he wore a sunny countenance to cheer up his followers. These 
chivalrous spirits appreciated his care and kindness, and, to 
solace him, they concealed their sufferings, assumed an air of 
contentedness, and appeared as happy as though they were revel- 
ling in abundance. 

In the mean time, the four captains who went in search of a 
road, suffered no less from hunger than the governor and his 
army. Juan de Anasco, having travelled three days along the 
river, came to a small village seated on its banks.* Here he 
found few natives, but a great supply of food ; in one house 
alone were deposited five hundred measures of meal, formed 
from toasted maize, beside much more in grain. The joy of 
both Indians and Spaniards can easily be imagined. After 
having searched the houses, they ascended into the highest, 
from which they could see that further on the country was 

* The Portuguese narrator says the Indians called this hamlet Aymay • 
and the Spaniards gave it the name of the " Village of Good Relief." 



214 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



studded with villages and hamlets, with extensive corn-fields on 
every side. They here quelled the cravings of hunger. After 
midnight they dispatched four horsemen to the governor with 
tidings of their success. They took with them many ears of 
corn, and several horns of the buffalo or bison. The sight of 
the latter perplexed the Spaniards, who conjectured them to be 
the horns of tame cattle. Several times in the course of their 
expedition they had found fresh beef, and had importuned the 
Indians to tell them where they kept their herds. They 
could never get any satisfactory information from them on 
the subject, and supposed that they purposely concealed the 
truth. 

Patofa and his Indians this night stole stealthily out of the 
camp, so as not to alarm the Spaniards, and sacked and pillaged 
the temple. They massacred every Indian they found within 
and in the purlieus of the village, sparing neither sex nor age, 
and taking their scalps as trophies, to show their cacique, Cofa- 
qui ; for it was afterwards discovered that this village was in the 
long-wished-for province of Cofachiqui. 

On the following day, at noon, Anasco set forward to meet 
the governor, not daring to await his arrival in the village, fear- 
ing a general assault from the natives, in revenge of the massacre 
of Patofa. 



CHAPTER XLV. 

THE HALF-FAMISHED ARMY REVIVED BY THE TIDINGS OF ANASCO's 

DISCOVERY OF AN ABUNDANT REGION THE RAVAGES COMMITTED 

BY PATOFA AND HIS WARRIORS DE SOTo's RECEPTION BY THE 

BEAUTIFUL PRINCESS OF COFACHIQUI. 

1540. 

The four horsemen sent as messengers reached the army in one 
day ; a distance of twelve leagues, which they had previously 
spent three days in traversing. The news they brought diffused 
new life among the troops, and they were as wild with joy as if 
rescued from the jaws of death. When morning dawned, De 
Soto ordered the four troopers to lead on to the village they had 
discovered. Before decamping, however, they buried a letter at 
the root of a tree, and cut upon the bark these words : " Dig at 
the root of this pine, and you will find a letter." This was to 
make known to the other captains, who were seeking a road, the 
direction the army had taken.* 

The idea of plenty of food revived the half-famished troops : 
they clapped spurs to their steeds, and rode helter-skelter 
through the forest, each one striving to pass the other ; so that 
before noon on the following day they were all within the vil- 

* Portuguese Narrative, c 14. 



216 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA, 



lage. Here the governor concluded to halt for some days, that 
his men might recruit their strength, and likewise to await the 
arrival of the three other captains, who had been sent in quest of 
a road. 

These three captains had the good fortune to find the letter 
of their comrades, and, with their different detachments, joined 
the main body in the course of four days, almost famished ; 
having, during these eight days' absence, had nothing to eat but 
a scant supply of roots and herbs. 

De Soto sojourned in this frontier village of the province of 
Cofachiqui seven days ; during which time Patofa and his war- 
riors were not idle, but, sallying forth stealthily, ravaged the 
country for leagues round about, slaying and scalping man, 
woman, and child, sacking and pillaging villages and hamlets, 
temples and sepulchres, and refraining cnly from setting fire to 
them, through fear that the flames might betray their doings to 
the Spaniards. 

When De Soto heard of this cruel ravage, he made all haste 
to get rid of his bloody allies. Sending for Patofa, he thanked 
him for his friendly conduct and valuable escort ; and giving 
him presents of knives, trinkets, and clothing, for himself and his 
cacique, dismissed him and his followers. 

The savage warrior set off on his return, well pleased with 
the presents, but still more gratified at having fulfilled the vow 
of vengeance made to his chieftain. 

Two days after the departure of Patofa, the Spaniards re- 
sumed their march along the banks of the river. They met 
with no living thing, but with dismal proofs of the dreadful 
carnage Patofa had committed. All along, the way was strown 
with scalpless corses. The natives had fled into the interior of 



DISCOVERY OF AN INDIAN VILLAGE. 217 



the country, leaving a plentiful supply of provisions in the 
villages. 

On the afternoon of the third day, the army halted in a 
verdant region, covered with mulberry and other fruit-trees, 
laden with fruit. The governor was unwilling to advance until 
he learnt what province he was in. He ordered Juan de 
Anasco, therefore, with thirty foot-soldiers, to pursue the road 
they had thus far followed, and endeavor to capture some 
Indians, from whom they might obtain information, and who 
might serve as guides. To encourage the doughty Anasco, he 
told him he sent him in preference to any other, because he was 
always successful. 

Anasco and his thirty comrades left the camp on foot, before 
nightfall. They marched along in profound silence, with the 
noiseless pace and watchful eye of a marauding party. As they 
advanced the road grew wider. They proceeded nearly two 
leagues without seeing a living thing, when on the still night 
breeze was borne a low, murmuring sound, like the near hum of 
a village. As they moved breathlessly forward, the sounds 
grew more distinct ; at length they emerged from the thickets 
which had obstructed their view, and saw lights, and heard the 
barking of dogs, the cries of children, and the voices of men and 
women. Certain that a village was near at hand, they rushed 
forward to seize some Indians, secretly, in the suburbs, each 
striving to be first, to have the honor of being the most diligent. 
They were, however, deceived in their hopes, for the river which 
they had followed flowed between them and the village. They 
halted a long while on the bank, at what appeared to be a 
landing-place for canoes, and having supped, and reposed until 
two o'clock at night, they set off for the camp, where they arrived 



218 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



a little before daybreak, and related to the governor what they 
had seen and heard. 

When the day dawned, De Soto set out with a hundred 
infantry, and a hundred horse, to reconnoitre the village. 
Arrived on the opposite bank, Juan Ortiz, and Pedro, the 
Indian boy, shouted to the natives to come over, and receive a 
message for their cacique. 

The Indians, terrified at the strange sight of the Spaniards 
and their horses, ran back to the village to spread the news. In 
a little while a large canoe was launched, and came directly 
across the river, managed by several rowers. Six Indians, of 
noble appearance, all about forty or fifty years of age, landed 
from it. 

The governor, perceiving they were persons of consequence, 
received them with much ceremony, seated in a kind of chair of 
state, which he always carried with him for occasions of the kind. 
As they advanced they made three profound reverences, one to 
the sun, with their faces to the eastward, the second to the moon, 
turning to the west, the third to the governor. They then made 
him the usual demand, " whether he came for peace or war ?" 
He replied, Peace ; and a free passage through their lands. He 
moreover requested provisions for his people, and assistance with 
canoes or rafts in passing the river. 

The Indians replied that there supplies were small, the coun- 
try having been ravaged by pestilence in the preceding year, so 
that most of the people had abandoned their houses and villages, 
and taken refuge in the woods, neglecting to sow their corn. 
They added that they were governed by a young female, just of 
marriageable age, who had recently inherited the sway. They 
would return and repeat to her the circumstances of their inter- 



DECEPTION" OF AN" INDIAN QUEEK 219 



view, and made no doubt, from her discreet and generous nature, 
;she would do every thing in her power to serve the strangers. 
With these words they departed. 

They had not long returned to the village when the Spaniards 
perceived movements of preparation, and observed a kind of litter 
borne by four men to the water's side. From this alighted the 
female cacique, and entered a highly decorated canoe. A kind 
of aquatic procession was then formed ; a grand canoe, containing 
the six ambassadors, and paddled by a large number of Indians, 
led the van, towing after it the state bark of the princess, who re- 
dined on cushions in the stern, under a canopy supported by a 
lance. She was accompanied by eight female attendants. A 
number of canoes filled with warriors closed the procession.* 

The young princess stepped on shore, and as she approached 
the Spaniards, they were struck: with her appearance. She was 
finely formed, with great beauty of countenance, and native grace 
and dignity. Having made her obeisance to the governor, she 
took: her seat on a kind of stool placed by her attendants, and en- 
tered into conversation with him, all her subjects preserving a 
most respectful silence. 

Her conversation confirmed what had been said by the am- 
bassadors. The province had been ravaged by pestilence during 
the preceding year, and provisions were very scanty. She offered, 
however, to share with the strangers a quantity of maize collect- 
ed for the relief of her village, and to put them in the way of get- 



* The account of this princess and her territory, is taken both from the 
Spanish and Portuguese account. The former is by far the most ample and 
circumstantial ; though evidently inclining to magnify the importance of the 
princess and her dominions. Biedma says this queen, instead of coming her- 
self, sent one of her nieces. 

10 



220 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



ting similar supplies from other villages. She proffered, likewise, 
her own house for the accommodation of the governor, and half of 
the village for that of his officers and principal soldiers ; and pro- 
mised that wigwams of bark and branches should be put up for 
the rest. She added, that rafts and canoes should be provided 
for the army to cross the river on the following day. De Soto 
was overpowered by the generosity of the princess, and endeavor- 
ed, in the best manner, to express his sense of her kind and hos- 
pitable offers, assuring her of the constant friendship of his sove- 
reign and himself. The cavaliers, too, listened with admiring 
attention to her discourse, and to the answers she gave to various 
inquiries concerning her province ; leaving them as much charm- 
ed with her intelligence and judgment as they had been with her 
beauty, and wondering to find such dignity and grace, and true 
politeness, in a savage brought up in a wilderness. 

While the princess of Cofachiqui was conversing with the 
governor, she was slowly disengaging a string of large pearls, 
which passed three times round her neck, and descended to her 
waist. The conference ended, she told Juan Ortiz, the inter- 
preter, to present the necklace to the general. Ortiz replied, that 
the gift would be more valuable if presented with her own hand ; 
but she scrupled to do it, through a dread of infringing the pro- 
priety which females should always maintain. When De Soto 
was apprised of her scruples, he directed Ortiz to tell her, that 
he would more highly prize the favor of receiving the gift from 
her own hand, than he would value the jewel itself, and that she 
would commit no breach of decorum, as they were persons un- 
known to each other, treating of peace and amity. 

This being interpreted to her, she rose, and placed the string 



INTERCHANGE OF PRESENTS. 221 



of pearls about the neck of De Soto ;* he likewise stood up ; and, 
taking from his finger a ring of gold, set with a ruby, presented 
it to her, as a token of peace and friendship. She received it 
very respectfully and placed it on one of her fingers. This cere- 
mony ended, she returned to her village, leaving the Spaniards 
much struck with her native talent, and personal beauty, f 

* Portuguese Narrative, c. 14. Garcilaso de la Vega, L. iii. c. 11. Biedma, 
in Recueil de Pieces sur La Floride, par H. Ternaux-Compans. 

f According to the Portuguese narrator, the Indians, in this interview, 
assured the Spaniards that then province was but two days' journey from the 
sea-coast ; but subsequent 'circumstances gave reason to believe, either that 
the information was incorrect in itself, or was erroneously rendered by the in- 
terpreters. 



CHAPTER XLVL 

THE ARMY QUARTERED IN THE VILLAGE OP THE YOUNG PRINCESS 

ANASCO DISPATCHED AFTER A CERTAIN RICH WIDOW SOME 

ACCOUNT OF THE YOUNG WARRIOR BY WHOM HE WAS GUIDED. 

1540. 

On the following day, the Indians having constructed large rafts, 
and brought a number of canoes, the army crossed the river. 
The passage was not, however, effected without accident. Several 
of the horses, urged by their riders into the stream, were carried 
down the current, amid quicksands and whirlpools, and four of 
them were drowned. Their loss was as much lamented by the 
Spaniards, as though they had been brothers in arms. 

When the army had all crossed, they were lodged partly in 
wigwams, under the shade of luxuriant mulberry-trees, with 
which the province abounded. Around the village were scatter- 
ed many forsaken wigwams ; the rank grass growing within, as 
if they had long been untenanted. A token that the pestilence 
had, indeed, passed over them. 

The province of Cofachiqui, as well as the neighboring prov- 
inces of Cofaqui and Cofa, are represented as being extremely 
populous and fertile. The natives were of a tawny complexion ; 
well formed ; frank, gentle, and sincere in their dispositions, and 



EMBASSY TO THE QUEEN'S MOTHER. 



less warlike than any of the tribes among which the Spaniards 
had sojourned. 

They had their wars, however, with their neighbors, and had 
many captives among them, whom they employed in cultivating 
the fields and other servile labor. To prevent their escape and 
return to their own tribes, they were maimed by having the 
nerves of the leg cut above the heel or the instep. 

In the course of his various inquiries about the affairs of the 
province. Be Soto learnt that the mother of the princess was 
still living a widow, at a retired place, about twelve leagues 
down the river. He felt a strong desire to see her. wishing 
thoroughly to secure the friendship of the people of this prov- 
ince. His desire was probably quickened by learning that the 
queen-mother had in her possession a large quantity of pearls. 

On making known his wishes to the princess, she immediately 
dispatched twelve of her principal subjects to her mother to 
entreat her to come and behold these wonderful people, and the 
strange animals they had brought with them. 

The queen-mother, however, refused to accompany the mes- 
sengers, and expressed herself scandalized at what she termed 
the levity of her daughter, in so readily showing herself to 
strangers whom she had never before seen. She rebuked the 
envoys for having permitted such a departure from her proper 
dignity : and manifested in various ways the chagrin which pru- 
dish dowagers are somewhat prone to indulge in like cases. 

The governor hearing of this, called to him the stout Juan de 
Afiasco. who was the very man for undertakings of the kind, 
and ordered him to take thirty companions and depart for the 
retreat of this coy widow : and by fair and gentle means prevail 
upon her to come to the encampment. 



224 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



Juan de Anasco and his comrades set off at once on foot, 
although the morning was already somewhat advanced. They 
were guided by a youthful warrior, whom the princess had 
granted them for the purpose. This youth was a near relative 
to the widow, and had been reared by her ; and, being kind and 
noble in his nature, was as dear to her as though he were her 
own son. For this reason her daughter had chosen him to 
accompany the Spaniards ; and had instructed him to go in 
advance of them when they approached the residence of her 
mother, to secure for them a favorable reception. 

He showed indeed, in countenance and bearing, his generous 
blood. He was about twenty-one years of age, with handsome 
features, and a vigorous and graceful form. His head was deco- 
rated with lofty plumes of different colored feathers, he wore a 
mantle of dressed deer-skin ; in his hand he bore a beautiful bow, 
so highly varnished as to appear as if finely enamelled ; and at 
his shoulder hung a quiver full of arrows. With a light and 
elastic step, and an animated and gallant air, his whole appear- 
ance was that of an ambassador, worthy of the young and beau- 
tiful princess whom he served. 



CHAPTER XLVIL 

THE MELANCHOLY FATE OF THE YOUNG INDIAN GUIDE ANA SCO 

MAKES ANOTHER ATTEMPT TO CAPTURE THE OLD PRINCESS. 

1540. 

Juan de Anasco and his comrades having proceeded nearly 
three leagues, stopped to make their mid-day meal, and take their 
repose beneath the shade of some wide-spreading trees, as the 
heat was oppressive. The Indian guide had proved a cheerful 
and joyous companion, entertaining them all the way with ac- 
counts of the surrounding country and the adjacent provinces. 
On a sudden, after they had halted, he became moody and 
thoughtful, and, leaning his cheek upon his hand, fell into a 
reverie, uttering repeated and deep-drawn sighs. The Spaniards 
noticed his d ejection, but, fearing to increase it, forbore to 
demand the cause. 

After a time he quietly took off his quiver, and placing it 
before him, drew out the arrows slowly, one by one. They were 
admirable for the skill and elegance with which they were 
formed. Their shafts were reeds. Some were tipped with 
buck's horn, wrought with four corners, like a diamond ; some 
were pointed with the bones of fishes, curiously fashioned ; others 
with barbs of the palm, and other hard woods ; and some were 



226 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



three-pronged. They were feathered in a triangular manner, to 
render their flight of greater accuracy. 

The Spaniards could not sufficiently admire their beauty ; they 
took them up, and passed them from hand to hand, examining 
and praising their workmanship and extolling the skill of their 
owner. The youthful Indian continued thoughtfully emptying 
his quiver, until , almost at the last, he drew forth an arrow with 
a point of flint, long and sharp, and shaped like as dagger ; then ? 
casting round a glance, and seeing the Spaniards engaged in ad- 
miring his darts, he suddenly plunged the weapon in his throat, 
and fell dead upon the spot. 

Shocked at the circumstance, and grieved at not having been 
able to prevent it, the Spaniards called to their Indian attendants,, 
and demanded the reason of this melancholy act, in one who had 
just before been so joyous. 

The Indians broke into loud lamentations over the corpse ; for 
the youth was tenderly beloved by them, and they knew the grief 
his untimely fate would cause to both of their princesses. They 
could only account for his self-destruction by supposing him 
perplexed and afflicted about his embassy. He knew that his 
errand would be disagreeable to the mother, and apprehended 
that the plan of the Spaniards was to carry her off. He alone 
knew the place of her concealment, and it appeared to his gene- 
rous mind an unworthy return for her love and confidence thus to 
betray her to strangers. On the other hand he was aware that, 
should he disobey the mandates of his young mistress, he should 
lose her favor and fall into disgrace. Either of these alterna- 
tives would be worse than death ; he had chosen death, therefore, 
as the lesser evil, and as leaving a proof to his mistresses of his 
loyalty and devotion.. 



FAILURE OF THE ENTERPRISE/ 227 



Such was the conjecture of the Indians, to which the Span- 
iards were inclined to give faith. Grieving over the death of the 
high-minded youth, they mournfully resumed their journey. 

They now, however, found themselves at a loss about the road. 
None of the Indians knew in what part of the country the widow 
was concealed, the young guide who had killed himself being alone 
master of the secret. For the rest of that day and until the fol- 
lowing noon, they made a fruitless search, taking prisoners some 
of the natives ; who all professed utter ignorance on the subject. 
Juan de Anasco being a fleshy man and somewhat choleric, was 
almost in a fever with the vexation of his spirit, the weight of 
his armor, and the heat of the day ; he was obliged, however, to 
give up the quest after the widow, and to return to the camp 
much mortified at having for once failed in an enterprise- 
Three days after his return, an Indian offered to guide the 
Spaniards by water, to the retreat of the widow. Anasco accord- 
ingly set out a second time, with twenty companions, in two ca- 
noes ; but at the end of six days returned with no better success. 
The old princess, having heard of the search made after her, had 
taken refuge in the depths of a forest which they found it impos- 
sible to penetrate. The governor, therefore, gave up all further 
attempt to obtain an interview with this wary and discreet old 

widow. 

10* 



CHAPTER XLVIII. 

DISAPPOINTMENT OF THE SPANIARDS WITH RESPECT TO GOLD. 

THE TREASURE THEY FIND THEY DISCOVER SOME EUROPEAN 

RELICS. 

1540. 

While - Juan de Anasco was employed in his search after the 
widow, the Governor endeavored to inform himself respecting 
the boasted riches of the province. For this purpose he called 
to him the two Indian lads who had formerly accompanied traders 
into this part of the country, and who had told him that their 
masters had trafficked here for yellow and white metal, similar to 
the gold and silver shown by the Spaniards, and also for pearls. 
He made these youths describe the articles to the youthful prin- 
cess, and begged her, if such yellow and white metals existed in 
her territories, to have specimens brought to him. 

The princess cheerfully complied, and in a little while several 
Indians appeared, laden with the supposed treasure. To the 
great disappointment of the Spaniards, however, the yellow metal 
proved to be a species of copper of a yellowish tint much resem- 
bling gold ; and the white metal, though a shining substance some- 
what of the appearance of silver, was extremely light, and crumbled 
in the hand like dry earth. Some have supposed it was a species 



GREAT DISCOVERY OF PEARLS. 229 



of quartz, but it is probable that it was mica. Thus vanished of a 
sudden the golden treasures of Cofachiqui. 

To console the Spaniards under their evident disappoint- 
ment, the princess pointed out a kind of temple or mausoleum, 
at one end of the village, and informed them that it was the 
sepulchre of all the chieftains and great warriors of the place, 
and was adorned within with great quantities of pearls ; and 
that at another village called Talomeco, about a league distant, 
the ancient seat of territory, was a still larger mausoleum, in 
which all her ancestors were interred, and which contained still 
greater quantities of pearls, all which she assured the governor 
should be entirely at his disposal. 

De Soto was in some degree consoled by the news of these 
immense hoards of pearls for his disappointment in respect to 
gold ; though even as to the latter, many of his followers did not 
give up their hopes, insisting that there were veins of gold in the 
copper and brass of the country. They were destitute, however, 
of aquafortis, or touchstones, to assay them. 

Juan de Anasco, the Contador, or royal accountant of the 
expedition, being absent, the governor deferred visiting the 
temple until he should be present in his official capacity. In the 
mean time, he placed trusty persons to keep watch round the 
edifice by day and night. 

As soon as Anasco returned, the governor visited the mau- 
soleum, accompanied by the officers of the royal revenue, and a 
number of his principal officers and soldiers. These edifices 
were of great magnitude — that at Talomeco being a hundred 
paces in length, and forty in breadth, with lofty roofs of reed. 
At the entrance to this latter temple or mausoleum, were gigantic 
statues of wood carved with considerable skill, the largest being 



230 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA, 



twelve feet in height. They were armed with various weapons, 
and stood in threatening attitudes, with ferocious looks. The 
interior of the temple was likewise decorated with statues of 
various shapes and sizes, and a great profusion of conchs and dif- 
ferent kinds of sea and river shells. 

Around the sepulchre were benches, on which were wooders 
chests, skilfully wrought, but without locks or hinges. In these 
were the bodies of the departed caciques and chieftains of Cofa- 
chiqui, left to their natural decay ; for these edifices were merely 
used as charnel-houses. Beside these chests, there were smaller 
ones, and baskets wrought of cane, which were filled with valu- 
able furs and Indian robes of dressed skins, and mantles made of 
the inner rind and bark of trees, and others of a species of grass, 
which, when beaten, was not unlike flax. There were others 
formed with feathers of various colors, which the natives wore 
during the winter. But above all, they contained pearls of 
every size, and in incredible quantities, together with the figures 
of children and birds made of pearl. The Portuguese narrator 
says, they obtained fourteen bushels of pearls, and that the 
female cacique assured them, if they searched the neighboring 
villages, they might find enough to load all the horses of the 
army. Nor is the Inca less extravagant in his account. All 
this, however, must be taken with a large deduction for the 
exaggeration with which the riches of the new world were 
always described by the discoverers, when beyond the power of 
proof* 

The intendants of the revenue would have made general 
spoil of these precious articles had not De Soto interfered. He 

* Biechna says, there was a great quantity ; but that they were spoiled by 
having been a long time iinder ground. 



DIVISION OF SPOIL. 231 



represented that they were at present merely discovering the 
country, not dividing it, and having to make their way through 
a vast wilderness, it would not do to burden themselves with 
treasure. They should, therefore, only take specimens of these 
riches to send to Havana, and leave every thing in the temples 
in their present state, until they came to colonize and make a 
settlement, when all should be properly divided, and the fifth of 
the amount be set apart for the crown. He distributed, how- 
however, handfuls of large pearls among his officers, exhorting 
them to make rosaries of them, and permitted the officers of the 
crown to retain a large quantity which they had already weighed 
out. 

Annexed to this great sepulchre were several buildings, 
which served as armories, containing weapons of various kinds, 
all arranged in great order. The whole establishment was main- 
tained with exact care, and evidently was in the charge of nu- 
merous attendants. 

While ransacking these depositories of arms, the Spaniards, 
to their astonishment, found a dagger and several coats of mail. 
Nothing could equal their surprise at meeting with these Euro- 
pean relics in the heart of this unknown wilderness. They 
questioned the Indians eagerly on the subject. The latter 
informed them that many years before, a number of white men 
like themselves had landed at a sea-port, about two days' journey 
from thence. That the commander of the party died soon after 
landing, whereupon great factions and brawls took place among 
his followers, for the command, in which several were slain ; the 
rest had reassembled on board of their vessel, and put to sea.* 

* "We found in the town a dagger and some coats of mail ; whereupon the 
Indians told us, that many years before, the Christians had landed in a port 



232 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



The Spaniards pondered over these facts, and determined 
that the white men in question must have been the unfortunate 
Lucas Yasquez de Ayllon, and his ill fated followers, and those 
experienced in maritime affairs gave it as their opinion, that, from 
the course of the river which passed by Cofachiqui, it must be 
the same which on the sea-coast was called the St. Helena, f 

Elated with the riches they had found, they urged the gov- 
ernor to stop here and create a colony. The country was fertile, 
they might establish a lucrative pearl fishery, and carry on a 
trade with Spain from the seaport at the mouth of the river. 

De Soto persisted, however, in his original plan of making an 
exploring tour and meeting Maldonado at the port of Acusi, ac- 
cording to appointment. He observed that the surrounding coun- 
try would not afford provisions for a month, that it would always 
be open for them to return to in case they should find none richer, 
and that, in the mean time, the Indians would sow their land 
with maize in greater plenty. 

After a long sojourn, therefore, in this fertile and opulent 
province, De Soto prepared for his departure. During the time 
of his sojourn several broils had taken place between his people 
and the natives. These had originated in the ill conduct of some 

two days' journey from thence (this was certainly Aylhan, who undertook the 
conquest of Florida), that the governor died upon his landing, which occa- 
sioned great factions, divisions, and slaughter amongst the chief gentlemen 
that had followed him, every one pretending to the supreme command, so that at 
length they left the port, and returned to Spain, without discovering the 
country. — Portitguese Relation, c. 14. — Lond. 1686. Biedma, in H. Ternaux- 
Compans, p. 67. 

f El rio caudaloso, que pasava por Cofachiqui, decian los hombres 
Marineros, que entre estos Espanoles iban, que era el que en la costa llamavan 
de Santa Elena, no porque lo supiesen de cierto, sino que, segun su viage, les 
paracia que era el. G-arcilaso de la Vega, Lib. iii. c. 18. 



DISAFFECTION OF THE NATIVES. 233 



of the low and base-minded of the soldiery ; probably in their 
rapacious eagerness for gain. They had produced a general ill 
will among the Indians toward their guests, and a change in the 
feelings of the young and high-minded princess ; who, instead of 
evincing her usual kindness and hospitality, grew cold and indif- 
ferent in her conduct, and appeared to eye the Spaniards with 
great distrust. De Soto remarked this change, and received pri- 
vate intelligence, that the princess was about to take to flight, and 
leave him without guides for his march, or porters for the bag- 
gage of the army. As his route would lie through various tracts 
of country under her dominion, any hostility on her part or on 
that of her subjects, could not but prove extremely embarrassing. 
He determined, therefore, to adopt a precaution, more than once 
practised in the course of his expedition, and which the Span- 
iards had found efficacious in their Mexican and Peruvian con- 
quests ; which was to secure the person of the Sovereign, by way 
of insuring the peaceful conduct of the people. Accordingly, he 
placed a guard round the person of the female cacique, and sig- 
nified to her, that she was to accompany him in his march ; but 
while he thus detained her as a hostage, he took care that she 
should be attended with the respect and ceremony due to her 
rank. The policy of this measure was apparent in the cessation 
of all brawls between the Spaniards and the natives ; and in the 
good treatment which the army experienced during its subsequent 
march through the territories of the princess. 

NOTE. 

In detailing the march of the Spaniards, in search of Cofachiqui, we have 
as usual availed ourselves both of the Spanish and Portuguese narrations, re- 
conciling them as far as possible, and exerting our judgment where they vary 
from each other. Nothing is more perplexing than to make out the route in 



234 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



conformity to modern landmarks. The discovery of the coats of mail and 
dagger, the relics of the unfortunate Aylion and his comrades, throws an 
unexpected light upon one part of their route, and shows that the province of 
Cofachiqui was at no very great distance from the sea-coast of Georgia, or 
South Carolina ; though it could not have been within two days' journey, as 
the Portuguese narrator intimates. The armor and weapons of Aylion and 
his followers had probably been divided among the savages, and carried as 
trophies into the interior. The river which passed by Cofachiqui, and which 
the Spaniards supposed to be the St. Helena, has been variously conjectured 
to be the Ocone, the Ogeechee, and the Savannah. Colonel Pickett, in a note 
to the first chapter of his History of Alabama, says that all Indian tradition 
places the town of Cofachiqui on the east bank of the Savannah — at the 
modern Silver Bluff, Barnwell District, South Carolina. About 1*735, a young 
Irishman — George Gilpin — settled upon the ruins of Cofachiqui, and gave it 
the name of Silver Bluff, owing to the tradition, that De Soto and his troops 
searched there for silver in the bed of the river, and among the various strata 
of the Bluff, some of which resembled silver ore. As to the stores of vast 
quantities of pearls found in the Temples, and said to abound in the villages, 
they pass our belief; yet both Spanish and Portuguese narrators are very 
positive and circumstantial in their account of them. 



CHAPTER XLIX. 

THE SPANIARDS RESUME THEIR MARCH THE PRINCESS OF COPACHIQUI 

CARRIED AWAY CAPTIVE A MUTINY THE ARMY TRAVERSE THE 

TERRITORY OF THE CHEROKEES ESCAPE OF THE YOUNG PRIN- 
CESS JUAN TERRON AND HIS PEARLS. 

1540. 

On the third of May, 1540, De Soto again set forward on his ad- 
venturous course, taking with him the beautiful Princess of 
Cofachiqui and her train.* His route now lay towards the north 
or northwest, in the direction of the province of Cosa, which was 
said to be at the distance of twelve days' journey. As the coun- 
try through which they were to march was represented as bare 
of provisions, Gouzalo Silvestre and two other cavaliers were 
detached, with a large hody of horse and foot, to visit a village, 
twelve leagues distant, where there was a great deposit of grain, 
with which they were to load themselves and rejoin the main 
army. 

* The captivity of the princess is given on the authority of the Portu- 
guese narrator ; the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega makes no mention of it. The 
Portuguese narrator intimates that the princess was treated "with neglect ; 
but this is contrary to the general conduct of De Soto towards the caciques 
whom he detained as hostages. 



236 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



Silvestre and his companions accomplished their errand, and 
having taken as much maize as they could carry, hastened to 
rejoin the army, but were five days before they came upon its 
traces. When they did so, they found that the army had con- 
tinued on, and must be a considerable distance ahead. Here 
some difficulties occurred. The foot-soldiers were eager to press 
forward, but the troopers demurred. Three of their horses were 
lame and unable to travel fast, and it would not do to leave them 
behind, for they were considered the nerves and sinews of the 
army, not merely from their real services, but from the extreme 
awe and dread with which they inspired the savages. 

A mutinous spirit evinced itself, for a time, among the foot- 
soldiers, who dreaded being separated from the main force, and 
set forward 03^ themselves in a tumultuous manner. The cap- 
tains, however, threw themselves before them, and with difficulty 
compelled them to continue with the troopers, who were obliged 
to observe a slow pace, proportioned to the condition of the 
maimed horses. 

On the following day, as they were marching under the heat 
of a noontide sun, there suddenly rose a violent hurricane, with 
tremendous thunder and lightning, and hail of such size as to 
wound and bruise severely wherever it struck. The Spaniards 
sheltered themselves under their bucklers, or took refuge under 
some large trees which were at hand. Fortunately, the hurricane 
was as brief as it was violent ; yet they were so severely battered 
and bruised b} 7 ^ the hailstones, that they remained encamped for 
the remainder of that and the ensuing day. 

They resumed their march on the morning of the third day, 
passing through various deserted hamlets, and, at length, crossed 
the frontiers of a province, called Xuala, where, to their great joy 



THE SPANIARDS REACH XUALA. 237 



they found the Adelantado and his troops encamped in a beauti- 
ful valley, and awaiting their arrival. 

De Soto, in the course of his march, had passed through the 
province of Achalaque,* the most wretched country, says the 
Portuguese narrator, in all Florida. The inhabitants were a 
feeble, peaceful race, and nearly naked. They lived principally 
on herbs and roots, and wild-fowl which they killed with their 
bow and arrows. Their cacique brought the governor two deer 
skins, and seemed to think them a considerable present. Wild 
hens abounded in such quantities, that in one village the inhabit- 
ants brought the governor seven hundred, f Most of the 
inhabitants of this miserable province had fled to the woods on 
the approach of the Spaniards, leaving few in their villages, except- 
ing the old, the blind, and the infirm. 

The army remained several days in Xuala, to recruit the 
horses. J The principal village, bearing the same name as the 
province, was situated on the skirts of a mountain, with a small 
but rapid river flowing by it. Here the Spaniards found maize in 
abundance, as well as the different kinds of fruits and vegetables 
common to the country. 

This place was under the domination of the youthful princess 
of Cofachiqui ; and here, as every where else along the route, the 
Spaniards found the benefit of having her with them. She was 

* Spelt Chalaque in the Portuguese narration. Supposed to be the bar- 
ren country of the Cherokees. A. B. Meek, Esq., says this is the actual name 
now used by the Cherokee Indians to designate their country. See " Sketches 
of the History of Alabama," in the Southron, January, 1839. 

f Evidently the species of Grouse commonly called the Prairie Hen. 

\ Xuala, or Choula, is supposed to have been on the site of the present 
town of Qualatehe, at the source of the Catahootche river. Col. Pickett says 
it was probably in Habersham county. 

Vide M'Culloch's Researches, Appendix, III. 



238 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



always treated with great reverence by the inhabitants of the 
villages, who, at her command, furnished the army with provi- 
sions, and with porters to carry the baggage. And here, it is 
proper to observe, that De Soto endeavored, on all occasions, as 
far as his means permitted, to requite the kindness of the natives ; 
making presents to such of the chieftains as treated him with 
amity, and especially leaving with each of them a couple of swine, 
male and female, from which to raise a future stock. 

On leaving Xuala, a number of the inhabitants accompanied 
the Spaniards, laden with provisions. The first day's march was 
through a country covered with fields of maize of luxuriant growth. 
De Soto had inclined his route to the westward, in search of a 
province called Quexale, where the territories of the princess, or 
rather of her tributary caciques, ended. While the} 7 were on their 
march, the female cacique alighted from the litter on which she 
was borne, and eluding the Indian slaves who had charge of her, 
fled into the depths of a neighboring forest. Her escape is re- 
lated by the Portuguese narrator, but no particular reason is 
given for it ; probably, she dreaded being carried away captive 
beyond the bounds of her dominions. What seems to have caused 
some regret to the Spaniards, if we may believe the Portuguese 
historian, was, that she took with her a small box made of reeds, 
called by the Indians Petaca, which was full of beautiful un- 
pierced pearls, of great value.* Two negro slaves and a Barbary 
Moor accompanied her in her flight, and, as was afterwards under- 
stood, were harbored and concealed by the natives, who rejoiced 
to have any thing remain among them, that had belonged to the 
white men. 

During the next five days they traversed a chain of easy 

* Portuguese Narration, c. 15. 



REFUSAL TO CARRY THE PEARLS. 239 



mountains, covered with oak and mulberry trees, with intervening 
valleys, rich in pasturage, and irrigated by clear and rapid streams. 
These mountains were twenty leagues across, and quite uninhab- 
ited.* In the course of their weary march through this unin- 
habited tract, a foot-soldier, calling to a horseman, who was his 
friend, drew forth from his wallet a linen bag, in which were six 
pounds of pearls, probably filched from one of the Indian sepul- 
chres. These he offered as a gift to his comrade, being heartily 
tired of carrying them on his back, though he had a pair of broad 
shoulders, capable of bearing the burden of a mule. The horse- 
man refused to accept so thoughtless an offer. " Keep them 
yourself," said he, u you have most need of them. The governor 
intends shortly to send messengers to Havana; you can forward 
these presents and have them sold, and three or four horses and 
mares purchased for you with the proceeds, so that you need no 
longer go on foot." 

Juan Terron was piqued at having his offer refused. " Well," 
said he, " if you will not have them, I swear I will not carry them, 
and they shall remain here." So saying, he untied the bag, and, 
whirling around as if he were sowing seed, scattered the pearls 
in all directions among the thickets and herbage. Then putting 
up the bag in his wallet, as if it was more valuable than the pearls, 



* Probably the termination of the Apalachian or Allegany range, running 
through the northern part of Georgia. Martin, in his History of Louisiana, makes 
the Spaniards traverse the State of Tennessee, and even penetrate the State of 
Kentucky, as far north as the thirty-seventh degree of north latitude. This sup- 
position is evidently erroneous, as both the Portuguese and Spanish chroniclers 
state, that, from the province of Xuala De Soto struck in a westerly direc- 
tion, and we find him in a few days on the banks of the river Canasauga. 

Belknap, Vol. i. p. 189, suggests that the Spaniards crossed the mountains 
Avithin the thirty-fifth degree of latitude. 



240 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



he marched on, leaving his comrade and the other by-standers 
astonished at his folly. 

The soldiers made a hasty search for the scattered pearls, and 
recovered thirty of them. When they beheld their great size 
and beanty, none of them being bored and discolored, they la- 
mented that so many of them had been lost ; for the whole would 
have sold in Spain for more than six thousand ducats. This 
egregious folly gave rise to a common proverb in the army, that 
" there are no pearls for Juan Terron." The poor fellow himself 
became an object of constant jest and ridicule, until at last, made 
sensible of his absurd conduct, he implored them never to banter 
him further on the subject.* 

* Garcilaso de la Vega, L. ill. c. xx. 



CHAPTER L. 

ARRIVAL OF THE ARMY AT GUAXULE RECEPTION OP THE SPANIARDS 

BY THE CACIQUE OF ICHIAHA TWO TROOPERS DISPATCHED TO 

THE MOUNTAINS IN SEARCH OF GOLD, AND WHAT SUCCESS THEY 

HAD. 

1540. 

Having made their way over this mountainous waste, the army 
reached the province of Gruaxule. When within half a league of 
the principal town, they discovered the cacique approaching, fol- 
lowed by a train of five hundred warriors, arrayed in rich mantles 
of various skins, and adorned with gayly-colored feathers. In this 
state he advanced to the governor, received him with great cour- 
tesy, and escorted him to his village, which consisted of three 
hundred houses. It stood in a pleasant spot, bordered by small 
streams that took their rise in the adjacent mountains. The 
governor was quartered in the house of the cacique, which stood 
on a mound, and was surrounded by a terrace, wide enough for 
six men to go abreast. 

Here De Soto halted four days to obtain information respect- 
ing the neighboring country ; during which time the cacique made 
him a present of three hundred dogs, the flesh of which the Span- 
iards used as food ; though they were not eaten by the natives.* 

* Portuguese Relation, c. 15. Biedma, in H. Terneaux-Compans, p. 69, 



242 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA, 



The many streams that traverse this province soon mingled their 
waters, and formed a grand and powerful river, along which the 
army resumed their journey.* 

On the second day of their march, they entered the small town 
of Canasauga,f where they were met by twenty Indians, bearing 
baskets of mulberries, a fruit which abounded in this region, as 
did likewise the nut and plum trees. Continuing forward for five 
days, through a desert country, on the 25th of June they came 
in sight of Ichiaha.J thirty leagues from Guaxule. 

This village stood on one end of an island, more than five 
leagues in length. The cacique came out to receive the governor, 
and gave him a friendly welcome ; his warriors treated the sol- 
diers in the same kind and frank manner. They crossed the 
river in many canoes, and on rafts prepared for the purpose, and 
were quartered by the Indians in their houses. Most of the sol- 
diers, however, encamped under the trees around the village, and 
their worn-out horses enjoyed rich and abundant pasturage in the 
neighboring meadows. The Spaniards found in this village a 

* Mr. M'Culloch suggests that this river was the Etowee, which falls into 
the Coosa. 

f This Indian village has probably given the name to the Connesaugo, one 
of the small tributaries of the river Coosa. — Vide Mr. M'Culloch's Researches, 
p. 525. 

\ This is spelt Chiaha in the Portuguese Narration. Colonel Pickett says 
it is the site of the modern town of Rome, and that De Soto had now reached 
the confluence of the Oostanaula and Etowah, which make the Coosa, and that 
the Spaniards mistook the peninsula on which the village stood for an island. 
A. B. Meeks also states, that there is no such island now in the Coosa, and 
thinks it probable that the Spaniards either mistook the peninsula formed by 
the junction of the two rivers for an island, or that these two rivers were 
originally united, so as to form an island near their present confluence. He 
adds, that he has heard this latter supposition asserted by two persons well ac- 
quainted with the country. 



RUMORS OF MORE GOLD. 243 



quantity of bears' grease preserved in pots, and likewise oil made 
from the walnut, and a pot of honey. The latter they had not 
seen before, nor did they ever again meet with it during their 
wanderings. 

While in the town of Ichiaha, the governor, as usual, was 
diligent in his inquiries after the precious metals. In reply, the 
cacique informed him, that about thirty miles to the northward 
there was a province called Chisca, where there were mines of 
copper, and also of another metal of the same color, but finer and 
brighter. It was not used by the natives as much as copper, be- 
cause it was softer, but they sometimes melted them together. 
This intelligence aroused the attention of De Soto. It agreed 
with what he had been told at Cofachiqui, where he had met with 
small axes of copper, mingled with gold. He determined to set 
off in search of the mines, but the cacique informed him that to 
reach them he would have to traverse an uninhabited wilderness, 
and mountains impassable for horses. He advised him, therefore, 
to send persons to visit the province of Chisca, and offered to 
furnish them with guides. 

De Soto adopted his advice. Juan de Villalobos and Fran- 
cisco de Silvera, two fearless soldiers, forthwith volunteered for 
the enterprise, and accordingly set off on foot, leaving their horses 
behind, as they would only delay and embarrass them in the rough 
country they would have to traverse. 

After an absence of ten days, they returned to the camp, and 
made their report. Their route had lain part of the way through 
excellent land for grain and pasturage, where they had been well 
received and feasted by the natives. They had found among 
them a buffalo hide, an inch in thickness, with hair as soft as the 
wool of a sheep, which, as usual, they mistook for the hide of a 

11 



244 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA, 



beef. In the course of their journey they had crossed mountains, 
so rugged and precipitous that it would be impossible for the 
army to traverse them. As to the yellow metal of which they 
had heard, it proved to be nothing but a fine kind of copper or 
brass, such as they had already met with ; but from the appear- 
ance of the soil, they thought it probable both gold and silver 
might exist in the neighborhood.* 

* Garcilaso de la Vega, L. iii c. 20. Portuguese Relation, c. 16. The 
mountains here mentioned are supposed to be the Lookout Mountains, part of 
the Appalachian chain, running through the northern part of Alabama. The 
existence of gold in various parts of the Southern States, ascertained of late 
years, proves that many of these Indian reports were founded in truth. 



CHAPTER LI. 

THE MANNER IN WHICH THE INDIANS EXTRACTED THE PEARLS FROM 

THE SHELL GENEROSITY OF A SOLDIER WHAT BEFELL LUIS 

BRAVO DE XERES WHILE FISHING. 

1540. 

During the time that Be Soto had remained at the village 
awaiting the return of the two soldiers from the mines, several 
circumstances had occurred. The cacique came one day to the 
governor^ bringing him a present of a string of pearls, two arms 
in length. The pearls were as large as filberts, and, had they not 
been bored by means of fire, would have been of immense value. 
De Soto thankfully received them, and in return presented the 
Indian with pieces of velvet and cloth of various colors, and 
other Spanish trifles, held in much esteem by the natives. In 
reply to the demand of the governor, the cacique said that the 
pearls were obtained in the neighborhood ; that in the sepulchre 
of his ancestors were amassed a prodigious quantity, and that 
they were welcome to carry away as much as they pleased. The 
Adelantado thanked him for his good will, but replied that much 
as he wished for pearls, he never would insult the sanctuary of 
their ancestral tombs to obtain them ; and added, that he only 
accepted the string of pearls as a present from bis hands. 



246 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



As De Soto expressed a curiosity to see the manner of ex- 
tracting the pearls from the shells, the cacique instantly dispatch- 
ed forty canoes to fish for oysters during the night. At an early 
hour next morning, a quantity of wood was gathered and piled up 
on the banks of the river, and being set on fire, was speedily re- 
duced to glowing coals. As soon as the canoes arrived, the coals 
were spread out and the oysters laid upon them. They soon 
opened with the heat, and from some of the first thus opened the 
Indians obtained ten or twelve pearls as large as peas, which they 
brought to the governor and cacique, who were standing together 
looking on. The pearls were of a fine quality, but somewhat dis- 
colored by the fire and smoke, The Indians were prone also 
to injure their pearls, by boring them with a heated copper instru- 
ment. 

De Soto having gratified his curosity, returned to Ills quarters 
to partake of the morning meal. While eating, a soldier entered 
with a large pearl in his hand. He had stewed some oysters, and 
in eating them felt this pearl between his teeth. Not having 
been injured by fire or smoke, it retained its beautiful whiteness, 
and was so large and perfect in its form that several Spaniards, 
who pretended to be skilled in these matters, declared it would 
be worth four hundred ducats in Spain. The soldier would have 
given it to the governor to present to his wife, Dona Isabel de 
Bobadilla, but De Soto declined the generous offer, advising the 
soldier to preserve it until he got to Havana, where he might 
purchase horses and many other things with it ; moreover, in 
reward of his liberal disposition, De Soto insisted upon paying 
the fifth of the value, due to the crown.* 

* Col. Pickett says, " The oyster mentioned was the muscle to be found 
in all the rivers of Alabama. Heaps of muscle shells are now to be seen on 



DEATH OF MATEOS. 247 



About this time, a cavalier, one Luis Bravo de Xeres, stroll- 
ing, with lance in hand, along a plain bordering on the river, saw 
a small animal at a short distance, and launched his weapon at it. 
The lance missed the mark, but, slipping along the grass, shot 
over the river bank. Luis Bravo ran to recover his lance, but to 
his horror found it had killed a Spaniard, who had been fishing with 
a reed on the margin of the river, at the foot of the bank. The 
steeled point of the lance had entered one temple and came out 
at the other, and the poor Spaniard had dropped dead on the 
spot. His name was Juan Mateos ; he was the only one in the 
expedition that had gray hairs, from which circumstance he was 
universally called father Mateos, and respected as such. His 
unfortunate death was lamented by the whole army. 

our river banks wherever Indians used to live. They were much used by the 
ancient Indians for some purpose, and old warriors have informed me that then- 
ancestors once used the shells to temper the clay with which they made then- 
vessels. But as thousands of the shells lie banked up, some deep in the 
ground, we may also suppose that the Indians, in De Soto's time, everywhere 
in Alabama, obtained pearls from them. There can be no doubt about the 
quantity of pearls found in this State and Georgia, in 1540, but they were of a 
coarser and less valuable kind than the Spaniards supposed. The Indians used 
to perforate them with a heated copper spindle, and string them round their 
necks and arms like beads. Others made toy babies and birds of them." — See 
" History of Alabama," by A. J. Pickett. 



CHAPTER LIL 

HOW THEY WERE TREATED BY THE CACIQUE OF ACOSTE, AT WHOSE 

VILLAGE THEY ARRIVED THE MANNER IN WHICH THE YOUNG 

CACIQUE COSA CAME FORTH TO MEET THEM THE INDIANS SHOW 

A HOSTILE DISPOSITION THE CACIQUE COSA ESCORTS THEM TO 

TALISE, AND WHY. 

1540. 

On the ensuing day, after the return of the soldiers from the 
mines of Chisca, the governor departed from the village of Ichiaha, 
leaving the natives well contented with the presents they had re- 
ceived in return for their hospitality. 

This day he marched the length of the Island, and at sunset, 
on the 2d of July, came in sight of the village of Acoste, built on 
the extreme point.* The army encamped about a cross-bow shot 
from the town, while De Soto proceeded, accompanied by a guard 
of eight troopers, to visit the cacique. This chieftain was a 
fierce warrior, and placed himself in battle array, at the head of 

* The Portuguese narrator says, this town was seven days' journey from 
Ichiaha. The Inca is probably the most correct, as he states the length of 
the island, as he calls it, to be about five leagues, which would not be more 
than a day's march. " The Spaniards were now," says Col. Pickett, " in 
Alabama, in the territory embraced in the county of Cherokee, and by the 
side of the Coosa, one of our noblest streams." 



PERILOUS SITUATION. 249 



fifteen hundred of his braves, who were decorated with their war 
plumes, and equipped with arms. He received the governor with 
great courtesy, and appeared very kindly disposed ; but while 
they were conversing together, some of the foot-soldiers had ar- 
rived, and began rifling and pillaging the houses. The Indians, 
exasperated at this outrage, seized some war-clubs that were at 
hand, and assailed them. De Soto saw at a glance the peril of 
his situation, surrounded as he was by enemies. With his wont- 
ed presence of mind, he seized a cudgel and began beating his 
own men, at the same time that he secretly dispatched a trooper 
to order the horse to arm and come to his rescue. This attack 
upon his own followers, as if he was indignant at their conduct, 
reassured the Indians. De Soto then prevailed upon the cacique 
to visit the encampment with his chief warriors, and no sooner 
had the Indians left the village with this intent, than the troopers 
surrounded them and carried them off prisoners.* Notwithstand- 
ing their captivity, they maintained an arrogant air, answering 
every question insolently, shaking their fists, and insulting the 
Spaniards with taunts and menaces, until they lost all patience, 
and were only restrained from coming to blows by the earnest 
commands and entreaties of the Adelantado. This night they 
posted sentries, and kept as vigilant a watch as though they were 
in an enemy's country. 

On the following day, the Indians were more peaceable and 
friendly, and the cacique furnished the governor with maize for 
his journey, and offered him any thing else in his dominions. A 
message received from Ichiaha was the cause of this civility. De 
Soto thanked him for his offer, liberated him and his warriors, 
and in return for the maize, made him presents that greatly 

* Portuguese Narrative, a 16. 



250 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA, 



pleased him. The same morning they left the village, and crossed 
the river on rafts and in canoes, rejoiced at having extricated 
themselves from this village without any "bloodshed. 

They now traversed more than a hundred leagues of a fertile 
and populous province, called Cosa,* journeying at the rate of 
four leagues a day ; sometimes lodging in the hamlets, sometimes 
camping in the fields. Throughout the whole distance they were 
treated with the utmost kindness by the inhabitants, who quar- . 
tered them in their houses, supplied their wants, and escorted 
them from one village to another. In this way they travelled 
for twenty-four days, until they came in sight of the village of 
Cosa, from which the province took its name. This was the resi- 
dence of the cacique, from whom they had received repeated and 
friendly messages in the course of their journey. He came forth 
to meet them in a kind of litter, borne upon the shoulders of four 
of his chief warriors. From his shoulders hung a mantle of mar- 
tin skins, fashioned much after the manner of the mantles worn 
by Spanish females, and on his head was a diadem of feathers. 
Several Indians walked beside his rude chariot, singing and play- 
ing upon instruments. f 

He was a young man about twenty-six years of age, of fine 
person and noble countenance, and was attended by a train of a 
thousand warriors, tall and well formed, as were generally the 
people of this country. They were in their finest array, with 
lofty plumes of rich and varied colors, and mantles of various fine 
skins, many of them of martins, scenting of musk. They were 

* This embraced the present counties of Benton, Talladega, Coosa, and 
Tallapoosa. — See " Sketches of the History of Alabama," by A. B. Meek, 
Esq. 

\ Portuguese Relation, c. 16. 



BEAUTIFUL INDIAN VILLAGE. 251 



marshalled in squadrons, and, with their gay plumes waving in the 
breeze, made a brilliant appearance. 

The village was situated on the banks of a river,* amidst 
green and beautiful meadows, irrigated by numerous small 
streams. The country around was populous and fruitful; the 
houses were well stored with maize and a small kind of bean ; 
and fields of Indian corn extended from village to village. There 
were plums of various kinds ; some like those of Spain, others 
peculiar to the country. Grape vines clambered to the tops of 
the trees which overhung the river. There were others in the 
fields, with low stocks and very large sweet grapes, f 

The village contained five hundred dwellings, and as they were 
very spacious the captains and soldiers were all accommodated. 
The governor was quartered in the residence of the cacique. 

De Soto often took the precaution in populous villages, where 
there was any danger to be apprehended from the inhabitants, to 
surround the cacique with guards, which kept him in a kind of 
honorable durance, and prevented his escaping to any fastness. In 
this way he served as a hostage to insure the peaceful conduct 
of his subjects. It was also a part of the governor's policy, as 
has been already shown, to carry the cacique along with him, as 
he marched through -his dominions; by which means he secured 
a supply of guides from the villages, and of Indians to attend 

* Supposed to be the river Coosa, which takes its rise in the Appalachian 
mountains and empties into the Alabama. From the site and description of 
the village, Mr. M'Culloch presumes it to be the same called in the maps 
" Old Coosa," situated on the river of the same name, in north latitude about 
33° 30'. — See M'Culloch's Researches, p. 525. 

f Portuguese Relation, c. 16. This is supposed to have been the same 
native grape, called the Isabella, which has since been cultivated. — Vide Ban- 
croft, Hist. U. S. c. 2, p. 54. 

11* 



252 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 

upon the army and carry the baggage. In their marching, the 
cacique was always treated with great respect and ceremony, and 
had fine raiment given him ; and, if so inclined, a horse furnished 
him on which to ride. On arriving at the territories of another 
cacique, the preceding one and his subjects were dismissed at the 
frontier. 

The Indians of Cosa were indignant at the restraint put upon 
their cacique ; and manifested a hostile disposition towards the 
Spaniards. Several of them were taken prisoners and put in 
chains, but after a little time, the most of them, at the interces- 
sion of the cacique, were set at liberty.* After this a good un- 
derstanding prevailed, and the Spaniards were hospitably enter- 
tained during twelve days that they remained in the village. 

The cacique would fain have persuaded the governor to make 
this place his residence and seat of government, or at least to 
winter there ; but De Soto was anxious to arrive at the bay of 
Achusi, where he had appointed Captain Diego Maldonado to 
meet him in the autumn. Since leaving the province of Xuala, 
therefore, he had merely made a bend through the country, and 
was now striking southwardly for the sea-coast. 

During their sojourn in this village, a soldier of low and dis- 
solute character deserted, and concealed himself among the na- 
tives, so that he could not be found. A negro, also, who was too 
infirm to travel, was left in charge of the cacique, f 

* Portuguese Relation, c. 16. 

\ Colonel Pickett says, " The negro left at Cosa was not the only memo- 
rial of De Soto that remained with these people. George Stiggins, whose 
mother was a Natchez Indian, and -whose father was a Scotchman, was born 
in the Talladega country. He was a fair English scholar, and a pretty good 
writer. He had been for years engaged in writing a history of the Creeks, 
and died some years ago, leaving it in an unfinished state. His son permitted 



ARRIVAL AT TALISK 253 



On the 20th of August, the governor departed from Cosa, 
taking with him, as usual, the cacique and many of his warriors 
with a train of his subjects, bearing provisions. At one of the 
villages, named Ullabali, a number of Indian braves came forth, 
painted and plumed, with bows and arrows in their hands. They 
welcomed the Spaniards in the name of their cacique, and escorted 
the governor into the town, where he found all their men in arms, 
and judged by their hostile looks that they meditated some out- 
break. In fact, he was afterwards informed that they had in- 
tended to attempt the rescue of the cacique Cosa, had he seemed 
to approve their design ; but the cacique gave them no encourage- 
ment.* The army continued forward to the frontier town of 
Talise.f 

This was an important Indian post, fortified with ramparts of 
earth and strong palisades, and situated on the bank of a very 
rapid river, which nearly surrounded it. Though subject to the 
cacique of Cosa, it was represented as being disaffected to his 
rule, and inclined to revolt in favor of a powerful chieftain of the 
neighborhood named Tascaluza4 It was supposed, therefore, 

me to peruse it one day. Stiggins asserts, that the Talladegas had, at a late 
day, a brass kettle-drum and several shields, "which once belonged to the 
army of De Soto, and that he had often seen them. The Cosas used them 
as trophies in their annual festivals. Besides these, De Soto left hogs and 
sometimes cattle among the Alabama towns, and such is the origin of these 
animals among the Indiana Horses and mules were too valuable to be given 
away. 

* Portuguese Relation, c. 1*7. 

f Supposed to be the same with Tallassee, lying at the elbow of Tala- 
poosa river. The same name has always been applied to the spot by the 
Indians. M'Cullocb, p. 525. Spelt in the Portuguese Narration, Tallise. 

\ Mr. Meek says, this name is a pure Choctaw compound word, from 
Ihisca, warrior, and Lusa, Loosa, black. And he thinks that this and several 
other words proves that the Indiana mentioned in the text w^re of the same 
tribe as the present Chcctaws. 



254 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



that the cacique of Cosa had gladly accompanied the Spaniards to 
this frontier town, in hopes of overawing his refractory subjects, 
and even his formidable neighbor, by appearing in company with 
such redoubtable allies. 



CHAPTER LIIL 

THE GIGANTIC CHIEFTAIN TUSCALUZA HIS HAUGHTY RECEPTION OF 

THE SPANIARDS GREAT SUFFERINGS OF THE ARMY FOR THE 

WANT OF SALT STRANGE MALADY OCCASIONED THEPv-EBY. 

1540. 

Tuscaluza, the cacique on whose frontiers the Spaniards had now 
arrived, appears to have been one of the most potent, proud, and 
warlike of the native chieftains of the south. His territories must 
have comprised a great part of what are now the States of Alabama 
and Mississippi, and he is one of the few of the native heroes who 
have left local memorials behind them. The river Tuscaloosa,* 
which waters his native valley, bears his name, and it has like- 
wise been given to the capital of the State. 

This chieftain had heard, with solicitude, of the approach of 
the Spaniards to his territories, and probably feared some hos- 
tility on their part, in combination with his rival, the cacique of 
Cosa. He sent, therefore, his son, a youth of eighteen years of 
age, attended by a train of warriors, on an embassy to De Soto, 
proffering him his friendship and services, and inviting him to 
his residence, which was about thirteen leagues from Talise. The 

* Likewise called the Black Warrior River. 



256 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA, 



young ambassador was of a noble stature, taller than any Spaniard 
or Indian in the army, and acquitted himself in his mission with 
great grace and courtesy. The governor was struck with his ap- 
pearance and manners, and received and entertained him in a 
distinguished manner ; dismissing him with presents for himself 
and his father, and assurances that he accepted the friendship 
of the latter and would visit him shortly. He accordingly crossed 
the river with his army, in canoes and on rai'ts, it being too deep 
at Talise to be forded, and then set forward on his march, taking 
with him a number of the subjects of the cacique of Cosa. As to 
the cacique himself, being on the frontiers of his province, he 
took a friendly leave of the Spaniards. 

On the second night they encamped in a wood, about two 
leagues from the village in which the cacique of Tuscaluza was 
quartered, which, however, was not the capital of his province. 
From hence De Soto set off at an early hour of the morning for 
the village, preceded by his camp-master-general and several of 
the cavaliers. 

The cacique had already received notice from his scouts, that 
the Spaniards were at hand, and had made some preparations to 
receive them in state. They found him posted on the crest of a 
hill, which commanded a wide view over a rich and beautiful val- 
ley. He was seated on a kind of stool, made of wood, somewhat 
concave, but without back or arms ; such was the simple throne 
used by the caciques of the country. Around him stood a hun- 
dred of his principal men, dressed in rich mantles and plumes. 
Beside him was his standard-bearer, who bore on the end of a 
lance a dressed deer-skin, stretched out to the size of a buckler. 
It was of a yellow color, traversed by three blue stripes. This 



THE HAUGHTINESS OF THE CHIEF. 257 



was the great banner of this warrior chieftain, and the only mili- 
tary standard that the Spaniards met with throughout the whole 
of their expedition. 

Tuscaluza, or Tuscaloosa (to adopt the modern mode of writ- 
ing the name), appeared to be about forty years of age ; and his 
person corresponded to the formidable reputation which he bore 
throughout the country. Like his son, he was gigantic in his 
proportions, being a foot and a half taller than any of his attend- 
ants. His countenance was handsome though severe, showing the 
loftiness and ferocity of his spirit. He was broad across the 
shoulders, small at the waist, and so admirably formed, that the 
Spaniards declared him altogether the finest looking Indian they 
had yet beheld. 

The haughty chieftain took not the least notice of the cavaliers 
and officers of the camp, who preceded De Soto ; although they 
arranged themselves in his presence. The troopers sought in 
vain to excite his attention, by making their horses curvet and 
caracole as they passed, and sometimes spurring them up to his 
very feet. He still maintained the most imperturbable gravity, 
or cast his eyes now and then upon them in a haughty and dis- 
dainful manner. 

When De Soto, however, approached, the cacique arose and 
advanced fifteen or twenty paces to receive him. The governor 
alighted and embraced him, and they remained in the same place 
conversing, while the troops proceeded to take up the quarters 
allotted them, in and about the village. After this, the cacique 
and the governor proceeded, hand in hand, to the quarters pre- 
pared for the latter, which was in a house near to that of Tusca- 
loosa, Here the cacique left him, and retired with his Indians ; 



258 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



but De Soto, who knew his haughty and warlike character, took 
care to have a vigilant watch kept upon his movements.* 

A strange malady about this time broke out among the Span- 
iards, which was attributed to the want of salt ; with some the 
consequences were fatal. After a little while they were seized 
with a low fever, and the surface of the body became discolored 
and of a greenish hue, from the breast downward. At the end 
of three or four days, their bodies emitted a fetid odor, that might 
be perceived at several paces distance, and they perished of a 
general mortification of the intestines. A few cases of the kind 
spread horror through the camp ; for no one knew how to treat 
the disorder. In this dilemma some adopted a remedy or pre- 
ventive, recommended by the Indians ; a lye made from the ashes 
of a certain herb, and used with their food, instead of salt. Those 
who made use of this condiment escaped the fatal mortification 
of the bowels ; others, who spurned at it as nauseous, or as the 
quackery of ignorant savages, fell victims to their prejudices. 
Some adopted it, but too late, for when the fever and its accom- 
panying mortification had once seized upon the patient, the lye 
was no longer effectual. So much did the Spaniards suffer for 
the want of salt during their long marchings in the interior, that 
one of the historians of the expedition attributes to this cause 
alone the death of more than sixty in the course of a year.f 

* Garcilaso de la Vega, L. iii. c. 24. Portuguese Relation, c. 17. Biedma 
in H. Terneaux-Compans, p. 71. This interesting scene, says Colonel Pickett^ 
occurred below Line Creek, in the present county of Montgomery. 

f Garcilaso de la Vega, L. iv. c. 3. 



CHAPTER LIV. 

TUSCALOOSA, HIS STEED AND RAIMENT HIS VILLAGE MYSTERIOUS 

DISAPPEARANCE OF TWO SOLDIERS ARRIVAL AT THE VILLAGE 

OF MAUVILA. 

1540. 

After reposing two days in the village, the governor continued 
his march, accompanied by Tuscaloosa, whom he kept with him 
for his own security. De Soto ordered, as usual, that a horse 
should be provided for the cacique ; but for some time they sought 
in vain for a steed of sufficient size and strength to bear so gigan- 
tic a rider. At length they found a stout hackney, belonging to 
the governor, which, from its powerful frame, was used as a pack- 
horse ; yet when the cacique bestrode him his feet nearly touched 
the ground. The governor had given Tuscaloosa a dress of scar- 
let cloth, and a flowing mantle of the same, which, with his tow- 
ering plumes, added to the grandeur of his appearance, and made 
him conspicuous among the steel-clad warriors around him. 

At the end of three days' march, of four leagues each, they 
arrived at the principal village, called Tuscaloosa,* from which 
the province and the cacique derived their name. It was a strong 
place, situated like Talise, upon a peninsula formed by the wind- 

* This town is called Piache by the Portuguese narrator, and Tazalaza by 
Biedma. 



260 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



ings of the same river, which had here grown wider and more 
powerful.* 

During the next day they were busily employed in passing 
the river on light rafts made of reeds and dry wood, the inhabit- 
ants not having any canoes. As the river was gentle, the troops 
crossed it without difficulty, but the day being exhausted, they en- 
camped for the night in a beautiful valley about a league beyond. 

On the following morning two soldiers were missing. One 
of them, named Juan de Villalobos, was much given to wander 
away by himself to explore the country, and it was supposed that 
they had strayed away together, and been either lost in the woods 
or cut off by the natives. De Soto inquired after them of the 
Indians who accompanied Tuscaloosa : they were abrupt and in- 
solent in#ieir replies. " Why do you ask us about your people ?" 
said they ; " Are we responsible for them 7 Did you place them 
under our charge ?" 

The suspicions of De Soto were the more awakened by these 
replies. He had high words with the cacique on the subject, and 
threatened to detain him hostage until the Spaniards should be 
produced. Seeing this menace was of no avail, he concluded that 
the soldiers had been massacred ; and dissembled his indignation 
for the present, lest he might create difficulties and delay his 
progress. He continued forward, therefore, and in company with 
Tuscaloosa, apparently on amiable terms, but they were secretly 
distrustful of each other, and the cacique felt that he was a kind 

* This was the Alabama River, and it is believed that Tuscaloosa was 
situated near Evans's Landing, in Wilcox county. There is a ford on the Ala- 
bama, about sixty leagues above its confluence with the Tomhecbe, which 
the Choctaws called Taskaloussas. Here the army may have crossed. Vide 
M'Culloch, p. 525 ; Bossus's Travels in Louisiana, p. 282 ; A.J. Pickett, p. 21 ; 
A. B. Meek, p. 22. 



THE VILLAGE OF MAUVILA. 261 



of prisoner. In the course of their march, Tuscaloosa dispatched 
one of his people ahead, to a town called Mauvila,* under pretext 
of ordering a supply of provisions and Indian attendants for the 
army. The third day their route had been through a very popu- 
lous country, and they were drawing near to Mauvila. At a very 
early hour the next morning, De Soto called to him two picked 
and confidential men, named Gronzalo Quadrado Xaramillo, and 
Diego Vazques, and sent them in the advance, to enter the village, 
observe what was going on there, and await his arrival. 

He then mustered a hundred horse and a hundred foot as a 
vanguard, and set off with them for the village, ordering Luis de 
Moscoso, the camp-master-general, to follow speedily with the 
residue of the forces. The cacique Tuscaloosa accompanied the 
governor ; being evidently retained about him as a kind of hostage. 

About eight o'clock in the morning of October the 18th, they 
arrived before the village of Mauvila. f This was the stronghold 
of the cacique, where he and his principal men resided ; and, be- 
ing on the frontiers of his territories, it was strongly fortified. 

* Maville, in the Portuguese account. 

•j- This town is supposed to have stood on the north side of the Alabama, 
and at a place now called Choctaw Bluff, in the county of Clarke, about 
twenty-five miles above the junction of that river with the Tombecbe, within 
a hundred miles from Pensacola ; and this opinion is strengthened by the fact, 
that aged Indians in the neighborhood, at the present day, point it out as the 
site of the great battle between De Soto and the Mobilians. There is little 
doubt that it gave the name to the present river and bay of Mobile. The 
letters v and b are often used indifferently in Spanish, in place of each other, 
and articulated in nearly the same manner. Charlevoix, in his Journal His- 
torique, Let. xxxiii. p. 452, says, " Garcilaso de la Vega, dans son Histoire de 
la Floride, parle d'une Bourgado appellee Mauvila, la quelle a sans doute 
donne son nom a la Riviere, et a la nation, qui etait e"tablie sur ses bords. 
Ces Mauviliens 6taient alors tres-puissans ; a peine en reste-ti'l adjourd'hui 
quelques vestiges." In the account of these marchings, and of the affairs at 



262 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



It stood in a fine plain, and was surrounded by a high wall form- 
ed of huge trunks of trees driven into the ground, side by side, 
and wedged together. These were crossed within and without by 
others smaller and longer, bound to them by bands made of split 
reeds and wild vines. The whole was thickly plastered over with 
a kind of mortar, made of clay and straw trampled together, 
which filled up every chink and crevice of the wood-work, so that 
it appeared as if smoothed with a trowel. Throughout its whole 
circuit, the wall was pierced, at the height of a man, with loop- 
holes, whence arrows might be discharged at an enemy, and at every 
fifty paces it was surmounted by a tower, capable of holding seven 
or eight fighting men. Numbers of the trees which had been 
driven into the ground had taken root, and flourished, springing 
up loftily out of the rampart, and spreading their branches 
above it, so as to form a circle of foliage around the village. 
There were but two gates to the place, one to the east, the other 
to the west. In the centre of the villge was a large square, around 
which were erected the principal dwellings. The whole number 
of houses in the place did not exceed eighty, but they were of 
great size, capable of lodging from five to fifteen hundred persons 
each. They were built after the Indian fashion, not cut up into 
different rooms, but consisting simply of one great hall, like a 
church ; and as they belonged either to the cacique or his principal 
subjects, they were constructed with more than usual skill.* 

Mauvila, I have collated the narrative of the Inca, Biedma, and the Portu- 
guese author, and have availed myself of the three accounts, where they were 
not totally irreconcilable. The Inca, as usual, is much the most minute, 
graphic, and chara cteristic, and supports his main authority, in various places, 
by extracts from the journals of the two soldiers. A. B. Meek, p. 23 ; Col. 
Pickett, p. 22. 

* The description of Mauvila is entirely from the Inca. Garcilaso de la 
Vega, L. iii. c. 20. 



CHAPTER LV. 

THE DISASTROUS BATTLE OP MAUVILA. 
1540. 

When the governor and the vanguard appeared before the town, 
a splendid train of warriors came forth to receive them, painted 
and decorated, and clad in robes of skins and flaunting feathers 
of every brilliant color. These came singing and dancing, and 
playing on rude instruments of music. To these succeeded a 
band of young damsels, beautiful in form and feature, as were 
generally the natives of this part of the country. 

In this way the governor entered the village, side by side with 
the cacique in his flaming mantle of scarlet, followed by a train 
of horsemen in glittering armor, and proceeded by dancing 
groups of Indians. Having arrived in the square, they alighted, 
and the governor ordered that the horses should be taken outside 
of the village and tethered until their quarters were prepared for 
them. The cacique then called to Juan Ortiz, the interpreter, 
and pointed out one of the largest houses as the quarters for the 
governor and his principal officers, and an adjacent one for his 
servants and attendants ; as to the rest of the troops, they were 
to be lodged in cabins of bark and branches, prepared for their re- 
ception, about a bow-shot without the walls. The governor was 



264 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



not well pleased with an arrangement which would separate him 
from his troops, but replied that it should be attended to when 
the camp-master arrived. The cacique then signified a wish to be 
left to himself, and to remain at that village, but was given to 
understand that he must still continue with De Soto. The 
haughty spirit of Tuscaloosa rose within him, at being thus kept 
in thraldom. He told the governor that he might depart in 
peace, whenever he pleased ; but that he must not pretend to 
carry him out of his country and dominions. So saying, he 
entered a house, where some of his subjects were assembled, armed 
with bows and arrows. The moment he was gone, Gonzalo Qua- 
drado Xaramillo, one of the cavaliers who had been sent ahead to 
observe the movements of the Indians, approached the governor, 
and reported that various circumstances had led him to suspect 
some dark and treacherous plot. He stated, that in the few houses 
in sight, there were more than ten thousand chosen warriors as- 
sembled ; not one of them old, or of the servile class, but all fight- 
ing men, noble and young, and well armed ; and that many of the 
houses were filled with weapons. Not a child was to be found in 
the place ; and though there were many females, they were all 
young girls. The inhabitants, too, had been diligently employed 
in strengthening the palisades around the town, and in clearing 
the fields, for the distance of a musket-shot round the village, so 
that the very roots and herbage had been pulled up by the hand ; 
as if all had been prepared for a fighting-ground. 

The governor pondered for a moment, then directed word to 
be passed secretly from one to the other, among the troopers, to 
hold themselves ready for action ; he also charged Xaramillo to 
communicate all that he had observed to the master of the camp, 
the moment he should arrive, that he might make his arrange- 



CONFLICT WITH THE INDIAN'S. 265 



ments accordingly. In the mean time, he determined to wear a 
friendly aspect, and endeavor to conciliate the cacique by court- 
eous treatment. 

Word was now brought him, that his servants had prepared 
the morning's meal in one of the houses which looked upon the 
square. The governor immediately sent Juan Ortiz to invite 
the cacique to the repast, as they were accustomed to eat together. 

Juan Ortift presented himself at the door of the large house 
into which the cacique had entered, but several Indians met him 
at the threshold, and refused him admittance. The message he 
brought was passed in to the cacique, and word returned that he 
would come to the governor immediately. 

Some time having elapsed without his appearance, Juan Ortiz 
presented himself with a second message, and received a similar 
reply. After another interval he returned a third time, and called 
out, " Tell Tuscaloosa to come forth ; the food is upon the table, 
and the governor is waiting for him." 

Upon this there sallied forth an Indian, who appeared to be 
the general. He was in a furious heat, and his eyes flashed fire. 
u Who are these robbers ! these vagabonds !" cried he, "who keep 
calling to my chief, Tuscaloosa, come out ! come out ! with as lit- 
tle reverence as if he were one of them ? By the sun and moon ! 
this insolence is no longer to be borne. Let us cut them to pieces 
on the spot, and put an end to their wickedness and tyranny." 

Scarce had he spoken these words, when another Indian step- 
ped up behind him, and placed in his hand a bow and arrows. 
The Indian general threw back from his shoulders the folds of 
a surperb mantle of martin skins, which was buttoned round his 
neck, and baring his arm, drew to the head an arrow, levelled at a 
knot of Spaniards in the square. Before he had time to wing the 



2G6 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



shaft, a blow from the sword of Baltasar de Gallegos laid open 
the whole of the side exposed by throwing back his mantle ; his 
entrails gnshed forth, and he fell dead on the spot.* 

His son, a youth of eighteen years of age, of a noble demean- 
or, sprang to avenge his death, and let fly six or seven arrows 
as fast as he could draw them ; but, seeing that they struck harm- 
less upon the armor of Gallegos, he took his bow in both hands, and, 
closing with him, dealt him three or four blows o'ver the head, 
with such rapidity and force, that the blood sprang from beneath 
his casque, and ran over his forehead. Gallegos, as soon as he 
could recover from the surprise, gave him two thrusts m the 
breast with his sword, that laid him dead at his feet. 

The war-whoop now rang throughout the village. Torrents of 
warriors, ready armed, poured out of every house, attacking the 
Spaniards who were scattered about the principal street. Though 
overwhelmed with numbers, the Spaniards kept a bold face to the 
enemy, fighting stoutly, and disputing the ground inch by inch, 
until they retreated out of the city, leaving five of their number 
slain. 

Numbers of the cavalry, who had tethered their horses in the 
purlieus of the village, and returned into the street, seeing the 
furious onset of the savages, ran out of the gate to the places 
where their steeds were tied. Those who made most speed were 
enabled to mount on horseback. Others, who lingered, had only 
time to cut the reins or halters of their horses and drive them 
off; while others, still more pressed, were obliged to leave their 
horses tied, and abandon them to their fate ; having the grief to 
see them shot down by innumerable arrows, amidst the exulting 
yells of the savages. 

* Portuguese Narrative, c 13. 



DISCOMFITURE OF THE INDIANS. 267 



The enemy, being in great force, divided into two bands ; one 
to fight with the retreating Spaniards, the other to kill the horses, 
and gather the baggage and effects of the army, which had by 
this time arrived, and lay heaped along the wall and about the 
fields. Every thing thus fell into the hands of the enemy, ex- 
cepting the baggage of Captain Andres de Vasconcellos, which 
had not yet arrived. The spoils were conveyed by the Indians 
into the village with great triumph, and put into their houses ; 
they knocked off the chains of the slaves, who carried the baggage, 
and gave them weapons to fight with. The gates were shut, and, 
amidst the beating of wooden drums and the wildest yells, they 
displayed the effects of the Spaniards from the walls.* 

In the mean time the few cavaliers who had been able to 
mount their horses, together with a few other horsemen who had 
just arrived from the main body, joined their forces and endeavor- 
ed to protect their comrades who were fighting on foot. The ap- 
proach of the eavalry checked the impetuosity of the savages, and 
gave time for the Spaniards to rally and form themselves into 
two bands, one of horse the other of foot. They then charged 
the enemy with a fury, inspired by their recent maltreatment, 
and drove them back to the village. They would have followed 
them in, but were assailed with such showers of stones and 
arrows, from the wall and the loopholes, that they were compelled 
to draw back. 

The Indians, seeing them retreat, again rushed forth, some by 
the gate, others letting themselves down by the wall ; and, clos- 
ing with the Spaniards, seized hold of the very lances of the 
horsemen, struggling with them until drawn more than two hun- 
dred paces from the wall. 

* Biedma in loco. 
12 



268 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



In this way they fought, backwards and forwards, without 
cessation, for three hours ; the Spaniards always standing by each 
other, and keeping their front to the enemy, in which alone con- 
sisted their safety, being so few in number. They found, however, 
that they suffered too severely when near the village, from the 
missiles launched from the wall, and that their best chance was in 
the open fields, where they had room to manage their horses and 
wield their lances. 

Throughout all these attacks and defences, the bold Captain 
Baltazar de Gallegos, the same who had struck the first blow in 
the battle, was ever in the front rank, and the fiercest of the fight. 
His perilous deeds were anxiously watched from afar, by his 
brother, Fray Juan de Grallegos, a worthy Dominican friar. 
Mounted on horseback, in his friar's dress, with a broad clerical 
hat on his head, he hovered about the skirts of the battle, spur- 
ring after the squadron in its attacks, and wheeling round and 
galloping off like mad in its retreats. The worthy friar was not 
a fighting man ; his only object was to call his brother out of the 
affray, and mount him on the horse which he bestrode, that he 
might fight with more effect and less danger. 

The bold Baltazar, however, heeded not his calls ; he felt that 
his honor would not permit him to leave his post, so he kept on 
fighting on foot. At length, the peculiar dress of the friar, and 
his loud and repeated calls to his brother, attracted the notice of 
the enemy, who probably supposed him some chieftain encouraging 
his soldiers to fight hardily. Accordingly, in one of the retreats, 
as the friar's broad back was turned upon the foe, and he was 
galloping of at full speed, an Indian warrior sped a shaft with so 
true an aim. that, though at a distance, it struck him between the 
shoulders. Fortunately, he was protected by the two hoods of 



FATE OF ENRIQUEZ. 269 



his friar's dress, which lay in thick folds upon his back ; his broad 
hat also, which was secured by a cord under his chin, had fallen 
back in his flight, and hung like a shield upon his shoulders ; the 
arrow, therefore, met with so much resistance as to make but a 
slight wound. It dampened, however, the paternal zeal of the 
friar, who from that time kept himself at a wary distance from 
the battle. 

A harder fate befell the brave Don Carlos Enriquez ; a youth- 
ful cavalier who had married a niece of the Adelantado, and was 
beloved by the whole army, for his urbanity and his virtues. 
From the commencement of the battle he had fought valiantly, 
and was conspicuous in every assault. In the last charge, his 
horse was wounded in the breast by an arrow, which remained 
buried in the flesh. As soon as the squadron had retreated, Don 
Carlos endeavored to draw forth the arrow. Passing his lance 
from his right to his left hand, he leaned forward, and stooping 
over the neck of his horse, seized the dart, and endeavored to pull 
it forth. In his exertion, he leaned his head on one side so as to 
expose his neck, the only part of his person unprotected by ar- 
mor. In an instant an arrow, tipped with flint, came with the 
swiftness of lightning, buried itself in his throat, and the poor 
youth fell from his horse mortally wounded, though he did not 
expire until the following day. 

The Spaniards suffered severely in these repeated conflicts ; 
but their loss was nothing in comparison with that of the Indians, 
who bad no defensive armor, and on whom every blow was effec- 
tive. Seeing the advantage that the horses gave the Spaniards 
in the open field, the Indians now shut themselves up within the 
village, closing the gates and manning the ramparts. 

Upon this, the governor ordered the cavalry, being the best 



270 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



armed, to dismount, and, taking bucklers for their defence, and 
battle-axes in their hands, to break open the gates, and strive to 
take the village by storm. 

In an instant, a band of two hundred resolute cavaliers dashed 
forward to the assault. The Indians received them valiantly, 
and beat them back several times. The gate, however, was soon 
broken open by repeated blows, and they rushed in, pell-mell, 
amidst a shower of darts and stones. The gate being too narrow 
to admit them all readily, others attacked the wall with their 
axes ; demolished the facing of clay and straw, and, laying bare 
the cross-beams and their fastenings, aided each other to scramble 
up by them, and thus got into the village to the succor of their 
comrades. 

The Indians fought desperately, both in the streets and from 
the tops of the houses. The Spaniards, galled by the missiles 
from the latter, and fearful that the enemy would retake the 
houses already gained, set fire to them. As they were of reeds 
and other combustible materials, they were soon wrapped in flames 
and smoke, adding to the horror of the scene. 

While this conflict was raging in one part of the village, a 
kind of siege was going on in another. The Indians, the moment 
they had closed their gates, had turned their attention to the 
large house in the square, which had been assigned for the use of 
the governor's retinue, and in which all his camp equipage was 
deposited. They had not assailed it before, as they thought it 
perfectly in their power, and they now repaired to it merely to 
share the spoils. To their surprise, they found it strongly de- 
fended. Within were three cross-bow men and five halberdiers 
of the governor's guard, who usually accompanied his camp 
equipage, and an Indian, armed with bow and arrows, who had 






A DESPERATE DEFENCE. 211 



been made prisoner by the Spaniards on their first landing, and 
had ever since proved faithful to them. Beside these fighting 
men, there was a priest and a friar, and two slaves belonging to 
the governor. One and all defended the house stoutly ; the lay- 
men with their weapons, the priests fervent in their devotions. 
The Indians tried in vain to gain the portal. They then mounted 
on the roof, and broke it open in three or four places ; but so well 
did the cross-bow men and the Indian ply their weapons, that 
scarce did an enemy show himself at one of the openings, but he 
was transfixed by an arrow. 

Thus did this little garrison maintain a desperate and almost 
hopeless defence, until De Soto and his bands, having fought their 
way into the village, as has been mentioned, arrived at the door 
of the dwelling and dispersed its assailants. The fighting part of 
the garrison mingled with their comrades and pursued the strife; 
the clerical part took refuge in the fields, where they could carry 
on their spiritual warfare with equal vigor and more security. 

The wild and mingled affray had now lasted four hours, but 
nothing could quell the fury of the Indians, who disdained to 
yield or ask quarter. Manj r of the Spaniards, exhausted by the 
fierce strife, fainting and choked with thirst, ran to a pool of 
water, which was now crimsoned with the blood of the dead and 
dying, and having refreshed themselves, hastened back and rushed 
again into the battle.* 

De Soto had hitherto fought on foot, but, as usual, waxing hot 
with action, he hastened out of the village, seized a horse, sprang 
into the saddle, and, followed by the brave Nuno Tobar, galloped 
back into the square, lance in hand, with the battle-cry of Our 
Lady of Santiago ! Calling out to the Spaniards to make way 

* Portuguese Narrative, c. 19. 



212 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



for him, he dashed among the thickest of the enemy ; Tobar fol- 
lowed close after him. They spurred their chargers up and down 
through the multitude in the square and the principal street ; 
trampling down some, lancing others to the right and left, leaving 
a track of carnage wherever they passed. 

In this wild melee, as the governor rose in his stirrups to 
lance an Indian, another, who was behind, aimed at the part ex- 
posed between the saddle and the cuirass, and buried an arrow in 
his thigh. De Soto had no time, in the confusion of the combat, 
to extract the arrow, which remained rankling in the wound for 
several hours, during which time, though unable to sit in his sad- 
dle, he continued fighting on horseback ; a proof, says the Inca 
Grarcilaso, not merely of his valor, but of his good horsemanship. 

In the mean time, the fire was raging through the village, and 
made horrible ravages among the Indians. Those who were 
within doors, were consumed by the flames or stifled by the smoke : 
those who were fighting from the roofs, were either cut off by the 
fire, or obliged to throw themselves below. Many females perished 
in their dwellings. 

At one time, the wind swept the flames and smoke along the 
street, upon the Indians ; and while thus blinded and bewildered, 
the Spaniards charged upon them and drove them back ; but the 
wind veering, favored them in turn, and they regained all the 
ground they had lost. 

Maddened at seeing their ranks thinned and their warriors 
lying slaughtered in heaps, the Indians now called upon their 
women to seize the weapons of the slain and revenge their death. 
Many had already been fighting by the side of their husbands, 
but on this appeal, every one rushed into the conflict. Some 
armed themselves with the swords, lances, and partisans lost by 



SCENES OF CARNAGE. 273 



the soldiery, and thus wounded them with their own weapons ; 
others seized bows and arrows, which they plied with almost equal 
strength and skill with their husbands. In their fury, they threw 
themselves before the men, and even rushed upon the weapons of 
their enemies ; for the courage of woman, when once roused, is 
fierce and desperate, and her spirit more reckless and vehement 
than that of man. The Spaniards, however, had consideration 
for their sex, and pity for their despair, and abstained from slay- 
ing or wounding them. 



CHAPTER LVL 

FALL OF TUSCALOOSA. 
1540. 

While the battle was thus raging at Mauvila, Luis de Moseoso, 
the master of the camp, was loitering by the way with his forces. 
Instead of following speedily after the vanguard led by the gover- 
nor, he had sallied forth late from his encampment, and permitted 
his people to scatter themselves about the fields, hunting and 
amusing themselves. So long a time had elapsed since they had 
experienced any hostility from the natives, that they had lost all 
fear and precaution. 

In this way, they straggled negligently and tardily forward, 
unsuspicious of any danger. At length, those in front heard the 
distant alarums of drum and trumpet, mingled with the yells and 
shouts of the combatants, and beheld a column of smoke rising 
in the air. Suspecting the cause, they passed back the alarm, 
from mouth to mouth, of those who were behind, and pressed for- 
ward with all speed to the scene of action. It was late in the 
afternoon before they reached it. 

Among the foremost that arrived before the village, was the 
gallant Diego De Soto, nephew to the governor. Learning the 
fate of his cousin Don Carlos Enriquez, to whom he was tenderly 



FALL OF TUSCALOOSA. 215 



attached, he vowed to revenge his death. Throwing himself from 
his horse, and seizing a buckler, he rushed into the village, sword 
in hand, and plunged into the thickest of the fight. Scarce, how- 
ever, had he entered, when an arrow pierced his eye and came out 
at the back of his head. He fell to the earth, never uttered 
another word, and died the following day in great agony. His 
death added to the affliction which the army felt for that of his 
brave cousin. The two young friends and relatives were thus 
united in death. They were generous spirits, worthy of each 
other's affection, and worthy nephews to such an uncle. 

In the mean time, the rear-guard, as it arrived at the village, 
found great numbers of the Indians fighting in the adjacent fields, 
where the ground had been cleared and prepared for action. 
They assailed them vigorously, and had a long and obstinate com- 
bat ; for many of the savage warriors had clambered over the 
walls, and swarmed into the field. At length the Indians were 
routed ; many were pursued and cut to pieces by the horsemen, 
and but few escaped. 

It was now near the hour of sunset, yet still the shouts and 
battle-cries of the combatants arose from the burning village. As 
yet, from the want of space, no horsemen had fought within the 
place, except De Soto and Nuno Tobar ; but now a great number 
of the cavalry dashed in at the gate, scattering themselves through 
the streets, dispersing and killing all the Indians they encoun- 
tered. 

Ten or twelve of the cavaliers spurred up the main street, 

where the battle was hottest, and coming upon the rear of a throng 

of Indians, male and female, who were fighting with the fury of 

demons, they broke through them with such impetuosity, as not 

merely to overturn them, but also several of the Spaniards with 

12* 



CONQl'l'sT OF FLORIDA. 



whom tlu-v wore contending. The carnage was horrible, for the 
savages refused bo surrender or to laj down their arms, but fought 
to the last gasp, until all were slain. 

Here ended this bloodj struggle, which had lasted for nine 
hours The village remained a smoking rum, covered with the 
slain, ami \u'!,mv declared for the Spaniards just as the sun went 
down The last Indian warrior that wielded a weapon, was one 
of those fighting in the village. So blinded was he b\ fury, that 
he was unconscious of the fate of bis oomrades, until glanoing bis 
eve around, be saw them all Lying dead. Seeing further contest 
hopeless, he turned to fty, and reaching the wall, sprang lightly 

to the top, thinking to oseape into the fields. Here, however, to 
his dismay, he beheld squadrons o( horse and foot below him, and 
the field covered with his slaughtered eountrymon. Escape was 
impossible; death or slavery awaited him from the hands ot' his 
enemy. In his despair, he snatehed the string from his bow, 
passed it round his neek, and fastening the other end to a braueh 
of one o( the trees that rose out of the rampart, he threw himself 
from the wall, and was strangled before the Spaniards had time 

to prevent it 

a was the deadly battle of Mauv'da, one of the most 

.uiuar). considering the number of the combatants, that had 

occurred among the discoverers o( the new world. Fort) two 

Spaniards fell in the conflict; eighteen of them received their 

fatal wounds either in the eves or the mouth, for the Indians, 
finding their bodies cased in armor, aimed at their faees Searee 
of the Spaniards but was more or less wounded, some of them 
in many places Thirteen died before their wounds eould be 
dressed, and twenty -two afterwards, so that in all eighty-two were 
slain To this loss must be added that o( forty-two horses killed 



SLAUGHTER OF THE INDIANS. 277 



by the Indians, and mourned by the Spaniards as if they had 
been so many fellow-soldiers. 

As to the havoc among the Indians, it was almost incredible. 
Several thousand are said to have perished by fire and sword. 
The plain around the village was strewn with more than twenty- 
five hundred bodies. Within the walls, the streets were blocked 
up by the dead. A great number were consumed in the houses. 
In one building alone a thousand perished ; the flames having 
entered by the door and prevented their escape, so that all were 
either burnt or suffocated : the greater part of these were fe- 
males. 

Among the dead which strewed the field without the walls, 
was found the body of Tuscaloosa the younger. As to the cacique 
himself, his fate was never satisfactorily ascertained. According 
to the Portuguese narrator, several Indian prisoners affirmed, 
that on the grand assault of the village by De Soto and his horse- 
men, the warriors of Tuscaloosa entreated him to withdraw from 
the village and put his person in safety, in order that, should 
they all perish in battle, as they all had resolved to do rather 
than turn their backs, he might survive to govern the country. 
The proud cacique at first resisted their entreaties, but at length 
yielded to their urgent supplications, and fled from the ill-fated 
town, accompanied by a small band of Indians, carrying with him 
his scarlet mantle and the choicest things he could find among 
the Spanish baggage. According to the Inca, however, the ac- 
count generally believed by the Spaniards was, that he had 
perished in the flames ; and this, in fact, comports most with his 
haughty, brave and patriotic spirit, which would scarcely permit 
hirn to survive so ruinous a defeat, and turn his back upon his 
town and people, in the moment of their most imminent peril. 



278 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



He was evidently one of the bravest as well as proudest and most 
potent of the native princes. His name still remains in the land 
which he loved so well, and defended so desperately; and it is a 
name which deserves to be held in reverence, as that of a hero, 
and a patriot. 

I^ote. — The Inca and the Portuguese narrator differ widely in their esti- 
mate of the killed and wounded in the action. G-arcilaso de la Vega states 
the loss of the Spaniards to have been eighty-two, and of the Indians above 
eleven thousand. The Portuguese narrator states the Spanish loss to have 
been eighteen killed and one hunched and fifty wounded, and of the Indians 
twenty-five hundred slain ; which is the number stated by the Inca to have 
been killed in the battle outside of the towa The statement of the Inca is 
given more in detail, and apparently with a more intimate knowledge of facts ; 
having the statements of three several eye-witnesses, from which to make up 
his account. That of the Portuguese is rather vague and general. The esti- 
mate of the Inca may be somewhat exaggerated ; yet it must be taken into 
consideration, that the Mauvilians were a numerous and powerful tribe, and 
were joined in this battle by the warriors of the neighboring provinces. Their 
number must consequently have been very great. Biedma says there were 
more than five thousand Indians. It is stated by both narrators, that they all 
fought to the last gasp, so that the slaughter mutt have been immense. In so 
desperate and protracted a conflict, the number of eighty-two slain on the 
part of the Spaniards, appears much more probable than that of eighteen. 



CHAPTER LVIL 

THE PLIGHT OF THE SPANIARDS AFTER THE BATTLE OF MAUVILA. 

1540. 

The situation of the Spaniards after the battle was truly deplora- 
ble. Most of them were severely wounded ; all were exhausted 
by fatigue and hunger. The village was reduced to ashes around 
them, and all the baggage of the army, with its supplies of food 
and medicine, had been consumed in the houses. 

The first care of the governor, though badly wounded himself, 
was for his troops. Having ordered that the dead should be col- 
lected together, to be decently interred on the following day, he 
directed that relief should be administered to the wounded. Here, 
however, was the difficulty. There was but one surgeon in the 
army, and he was slow and unskilful. There were at least seven- 
teen hundred grievous wounds, requiring a surgeon's care ; several 
having fallen to the share of a single soldier. The mere flesh 
wounds were left for the patient himself to cure ; but those in 
the joints, and other critical parts, which threatened to maim or 
disable the patient, required great attention. Unfortunately, 
they had neither ointments nor medicines of any kind, nor linen 
for bandages ; all had been consumed. Not even shelter from 



280 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA, 



the cold and dew of the night was to be found ; for, not a house 
of the village remained standing. At length, boughs and branches 
were brought from the cabins that had been erected without the 
village, and sheds were put up against such of the walls as were 
still standing, under which the wounded were conveyed for shel- 
ter, and straw spread for their reception. Those who were least 
harmed exerted themselves to succor their suffering companions. 
Some opened the bodies of the dead Indians, and took their fat 
for ointment ; others took off their own shirts, and those of their 
slaughtered comrades, to make bandages for the disabled. As 
these were of linen, they were allotted to the severest wounds ; 
for those which were not so grievous, they made use of their doub- 
lets, and the lining of their hose, or other materials of a coarser 
kind. 

Others flayed and cut up the horses, preserving their flesh for 
the sustenance of the wounded. With all their zeal and exertions, 
however, a number died miserably, before any relief could be ad- 
ministered to them. Thus passed that wretched night, amid 
bitter lamentations and dying groans. Those who were able to 
bear arms, patrolled as sentinels, and maintained a vigilant watch, 
expecting to be assailed. 

Eight days did the wounded Spaniards remain in these misera- 
ble shelters within the village : when able, at length, to go forth, 
they removed to the cabins which the Indians had erected without 
the walls, where they were more comfortably quartered. Here 
fifteen days more were passed. In the mean time, those who 
were least disabled sallied forth on foraging expeditions about 
the country, for four leagues in circuit, and found supplies of 
provisions in the numerous deserted hamlets scattered around. 

In every thicket and ravine they found dead or dying Indians, 



CAPTURE OF NATIVES. 281 



who had not been able to reach their homes. Many, also, had 
taken shelter in the hamlets, and* lay there, apparently without 
any one to minister to them. It was understood, however, that 
their friends came with nourishment to them in the night, but 
returned to their retreats in the forests before the dawn of day. 
The Spaniards treated these poor savages with kindness, sharing 
their food among them. 

The troopers, in their foray into the forests, captured fifteen 
or twenty of the natives. On being asked whether their people 
were meditating another attack, they replied that their bravest 
warriors had fallen in the battle, and none were left to make a 
head of war. Their information appeared to be the truth ; for, 
during all the time that the Spaniards remained in their encamp- 
ment, no Indian ventured nigh them 

From the prisoners thus taken, and others captured in the 
village, they inquired , concerning the past stratagems and designs 
of Tuscaloosa, which had wrought such mischief. 

That fierce and warlike chieftain, from the time he first heard 
of the approach of the Spaniards towards his dominions, had medi- 
tated their destruction. With that object, he had sent his son, 
with a train of warriors, to watch their movements ; and had en- 
listed the natives of the contiguous provinces in his plot, promis- 
ing to share with them the spoils of the Spaniards. 

The women, too, most of whom had accompanied their hus- 
bands and lovers from the neighboring provinces, declared they 
had been enticed to Mauvila, by promises of rich robes of scarlet 
cloth, and silks, and linen, and velvet, with which to decorate 
themselves for their dances ; they were to have had horses, upon 
which to ride in triumph, and Spaniards given to them as slaves. 
Others came to be present at a great feast and rejoicing they 



BSI CONQUEST OF FLORIDA, 



were to bold after their viotory ; and others again, to witness the 
prowess and exploits <>t' theivtlovers 

Tuscaloosa, on arriving at the village with the /Ldelantado, 
had hold a council of w:ir with his prinoipal warriors, wherein it 
w.in debated whether fchej should attach the vanguard whieh h.-i »l 
arrived, or wail until they had the whole within their power It 
is probable that the heat and impatienoe of the [ndian general 
caused the plot to explode before the appointed time 

n has been shown, that in the burning of the village the 
Spaniards Lost all their baggage and private effects What gave 
them tin 1 greatest oonoern, however, was the loss of .*i little por 
tion of wine and wheaten flour, winch they had oarefullj treasured 
up tor the performance o\' mass All tin 1 saoerdotal dresses, also 
the ohalioes, and other articles o( worship, were destroyed j but 
the loss of the wheaten flour was irreparable Consultations were 
held between the ecclesiastics and the laymen, whether bread 
made of matte might not be adopted, in ease of extremity . l>nt 

il \>as decided, thai the use Of ft^ thing but wheat was contrary 
iy^ the canons o( the church 

From thenceforward, therefore, on Sundays and Saints' days, 
they prepared an altar, and the priest officiated, arrayed in robes 
of dressed deer skin, fashioned in imitation of his saoerdotal 
dresses) and they preformed all parts of the oeremony, except 
in;: the consecration of the bread and wine This constituted 

what the Spaniards called K f dry mass" 



CHAPTER LVIIL 

DB SOTO BECOMES aim ALTERED man, and why 
1540, 

Wnii. i: at the village of Mauvila, overwhelmed with oare and axis 
ioty, the governor was unexpectedly cheered by tidings, that 
ships with white men in them bad arrived on the sea-coast, towards 
which he was shaping his course, A rumor of this U i 1 1 * I he 
had heard before the battle, and it was confirmed by some of 
the prisoners taken in the village H<' further learnt from them 
that the port <h- bay of \ohusi <>■• Pensaoola, where he had di 
reoted Gomez Arias and Diego Maldonado to rendezvous with 
their ships, was uot more than seven days' journey distant.* ll< 
doubted not, therefore, that the ships in question were command 
ed by those officers, and brought reinforcements and supplies 
from Spain, for 1 1 i ^ projected settlement \l< now considered 
himself <»n the eve of accomplishing all his wishes , of founding 
that colony which would assure the possession <»r the country he 
had explored, .uid enable dim i<t pursue to advantage his search 
for gold 

* Portuguese Narrative, c 19, The Cnca states the distance ai about 
thirty Leagues. 



284 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



He had brought with him thus far the cacique, made prisoner 
by Maldonado at the port of Achusi. He had always treated 
him with kindness, but had not sent him to his home before be- 
cause of the distance, and the danger he would run of being kill- 
ed or captured by the way. Learning, however, that the road 
was now secure, he granted him permission to return : at the 
same time earnestly charging him to preserve the friendship of 
the Spaniards, who would soon be guests in his countiy. The 
cacique departed, with expressions of gratitude for the kindness 
he had experienced, and assurances to the governor, that he would 
be happy to welcome him to his territory. 

The ships, which De Soto regarded as the means of conquest 
and colonization, many of his followers only looked forward to 
as means of escape out of a disastrous country. Some of them 
had been engaged in the conquest of Peru, and contrasted the 
wealth of that golden empire with the poverty of the land 
through which they had struggled, where neither gold nor silver 
was to be found ; and they did not fail to dwell upon this con- 
trast when conversing with their companions. The Spaniards, 
generally, were disheartened by the disasters of the recent battle, 
and the implaeable fierceness displayed by the natives. They 
saw that such a people were not easily to be subjugated. Instead, 
therefore of wearing themselves out in this fated land, it seemed 
better to seek others already conquered, and abounding with 
wealth, as Mexico and Peru, where they might enrich themselves 
with less risk and toil. For these reasons, they determined, on 
reaching the sea-shore, to abandon this disastrous country, and 
seek their fortunes in New Spain. 

Secret information of these rumors was brought to De Soto, 
by some of his most devoted followers. He could scarcely credit 



DE SOTO DISCONCERTED. 285 



it, and went round the camp at night, alone and in disguise, to 
ascertain the truth. In this way, he overheard a conversation in 
the hut of Juan Gray tan, the treasurer, in which that cavalier and 
several of his comrades expressed their determination to abandon 
the enterprise and sail for Mexico or Peru, or return to Spain in 
the ships at Achusi. 

De Soto stood aghast at hearing these resolves. He saw that 
his present force would disband the moment his followers could 
shift for themselves ; while he was aware that it would be impos- 
sible for him to raise a new army. He had no booty of gold and 
silver to display, with which to tempt new adventurers ; and, as 
to the specimens of pearls which he had intended to send to Cuba, 
they were all lost in the conflagration of Mauvila. Should his 
present forces desert him, therefore, he would remain stripped of 
dignity and command, blasted in reputation, his fortune expended 
in vain, and his enterprise, which had cost so much toil and trou- 
ble, a subject of scoffing, rather than renown. The governor was 
a man extremely jealous of his honor ; and as he reflected upoD 
these gloomy prospects, they produced sudden and desperate 
resolves. He disguised his anger, and his knowledge of the 
schemes he had overheard ; but he determined to frustrate them, 
by turning his back upon the coast, striking again into the inte- 
rior, and never seeking the ships, nor furnishing any tidings of 
himself, until he had crowned his enterprise gloriously, by dis- 
covering new regions of wealth, like those of Peru and Mexico.* 

A change came over De Soto from this day. He was discon- 
certed in his favorite scheme of colonization, and had lost con- 
fidence in his followers. Instead of manifesting his usual frank- 
ness, energy, and alacrity, he became a moody, irritable, discon- 

* Garcilaso de la Vega, Lib. iii. c. 22. Portuguese Relatioa 



286 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



tented man. He no longer pretended to strike out any grand 
undertaking ; but, stung with secret disappointment, went reck- 
lessly wandering from place to place, apparently without order 
or object, as if careless of time and life, and only anxious to finish 
his existence. 



CHAPTER LIX. 

THE ADELANTADO BREAKS UP HIS ENCAMPMENT AT MAUVILA MAN- 
NER OF CROSSING A RIVER THE PASS STOUTLY DEFENDED BY 

THE INDIANS. 

1540. 

It was on Sunday the 18th of November, that De Soto, finding 
his troops sufficiently recovered from their wounds to bear the 
march, broke up his encampment at Mauvila and turned his face 
northward, to penetrate provinces which he had not yet visited. 
His feelings and motives for thus turning his back upon the sea- 
coast he kept to himself; he was always a man strict and peremp- 
tory in exacting military obedience, and if his troops murmured 
among themselves at the route he chose, it is probable they were 
overawed and reduced to tacit obedience by the increased stern- 
ness of his manner. 

The soldiers were provided with two days' provisions of maize, 
yet they were five days traversing a pleasant though uninhabited 
country, until they entered the province of Chicaza.* The first 
village at which they arrived was called Cabusto. It was the 

* The Portuguese narrator says they entered into the province of Pafal- 
laya, but Biedma calls it Chicaza. 



288 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



principal one of the province, and was seated on a river, wide and 
deep, with high banks.* 

The governor, as usual, sent proffers of peace to the inhabit- 
ants, but they were rejected with scorn. " War is what we want/'' 
was the reply, " a war of fire and blood." Approaching the vil- 
lage, the Spaniards saw drawn out before it more than fifteen 
hundred warriors. These skirmished with them for a time, but 
overpowered by the fury of their attack, fled to the river ; some 
sprang into canoes, others plunged into the water, and thus they 
soon crossed to the opposite bank, where their main force, to the 
number of eight thousand warriors, was posted to dispute the 
passage. 

The Spaniards found the village perfectly stripped and aban- 
doned ; for the inhabitants had sent off all their effects, with their 
wives and children, and prepared for war. They had determined 
to risk no open battle, but to dispute the pass of the river, which, 
on account of its depth and its high banks, they could easily do. 
For this purpose they had stretched their forces for two leagues 
along the opposite bank, and hoped to compel the army to take a 
different route. 

When night closed in, the Indians annoyed the Spaniards 
greatly, by sudden attacks and frequent alarms. They would 
cross the river in their canoes at different places, and then, unit- 
ing in a band, attack the camp. The Spaniards made use of 
stratagem in their defence. There were three landing-places 
where the Indians disembarked. Here they dug pits, in which 
the archers and arquebusiers concealed themselves As soon as 
they saw the Indians leap on shore and leave their canoes, they 

* Supposed to be the Black Warrior, or Tuscaloosa river, and Cabusto is 
thought to have been near the present site of Erie, in Greene county. 



THE PASSAGE OF THE RIVER. 289 



would rush out, sword in hand, and cut off their retreat. Three 
several times did they maltreat them in this manner, after which 
the Indians adventured not again to attempt to land ; but content- 
ed themselves with vigilantly guarding the passage of the river. 

The governor now ordered one hundred of the most skilful 
men to build two large boats, or piraguas, nearly flat, and very 
spacious. That the Indians might not perceive their operations, 
he directed them to be built in a forest, which was a league and 
a half up the river, and about a league from its banks. 

So assiduous were the workmen, that in twelve days the pira- 
guas were finished. To transport them to the river, two car- 
riages were constructed, on which they were drawn by mules and 
horses, and pushed forward by men, and in the most difficult 
places carried on their shoulders. In this way, one morning be- 
fore daybreak, they were conveyed to the river and launched, 
where there were convenient landing-places on either bank. 

De Soto, who was present at the launching of the boats, or- 
dered ten horse and forty infantry to embark in each, and hasten 
to cross before the Indians should gather to oppose them. The 
infantry were to row, and the horsemen to keep their saddles, not 
to lose time in mounting when they should reach the opposite shore. 

Notwithstanding, however, the silence observed by the Span- 
iards in launching their boats, they were discovered by a band of 
about five hundred savages, who occupied the opposite bank. 
These gave a loud yell to spread the alarm, and rushed down to 
dispute the landing-place. 

The Spaniards, fearing the enemy might gather in greater 
numbers, hurried to embark. De Soto would have gone in the 
first boat, but his followers prevented his exposing himself to this 
unnecessary hazard. 



290 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



Those in the first bark bent to their oars, and quickly attained 
the opposite bank, amid a shower of arrows; by which every 
Spaniard was more or less wounded. The first horseman who 
leaped on shore was Diego Garcia, and close behind him came 
G-onzalo Silvestre ; together they charged upon the enemy, drove 
them in, and pursued them for more than two hundred paces. 
Fearing to be surrounded, they then turned their reins, and 
spurred back to their companions. In this manner, now charg- 
ing, now retreating, these hardy cavaliers fought alone, for a short 
time ; in the fifth charge, however, they were joined by some 
horsemen, and were enabled to keep the Indians in check. 

The infantry, the moment they landed, made for the shelter 
of a hamlet, hard by, and dared not to sally out, as their number 
was very small, and every soldier more or less hurt. The second 
bark in the mean time, in which was De Soto, was carried down 
the current. The troops attempted to land, but found it imprac- 
ticable on account of the high, steep banks ; they were, therefore, 
compelled to pull up the stream, with great labor, to the landing- 
place ; which by this time was cleared of the enemy. De Soto, 
with seventy or eighty Spaniards at his back, leaped on shore and 
hastened to the relief of those who were battling in the plain. 

On their approach the Indians retreated, and seeing the 
Spaniards had effected a landing, they collected their forces, and 
fortified themselves with palisades in a swamp covered with reeds, 
from whence they made frequent sallies : but were as often driven 
back, and lanced by the cavalry. Thus the day passed in unim- 
portant skirmishes, the troops crossed the river without molesta- 
tion, and at nightfall every Indian vanished. 

* G-arcilaso de la Vega, Lib. iii. c. 35. Portuguese Narrative, c. 20. 



CHAPTER LX. 

BE SOTO SENDS A MESSENGER TO THE NATIVES WITH OFFERS OP 

PEACE — -HIS TREATMENT ENCAMP IN A CHICKASAW VILLAGE 

TWO SOLDIERS CONDEMNED TO DEATH. 

1540. 

The country in the neighborhood of the river was level and fer- 
tile, with small scattered hamlets, in which the Spaniards found 
quantities of maize and dried pulse. Having broken up the 
piraguas for the sake of the nails, they resumed their march, and, 
after travelling five days through a desert country, came to anoth- 
er river,* where the Indians were collected together to dispute 
the passage. Unwilling to expose his men to further loss. De 
Soto halted for two days, until a canoe had been constructed, in 
which he ser»t over an Indian messenger to the cacique, with of- 
fers of peace and friendship. The savages seized the messenger, 
massacred him on the banks of the river, in sight of the Span- 
iards, and then, as if satisfied with this insulting sacrifice, dis- 
persed with horid yells.f 

There being no longer any enemy to oppose his passage, De 
Soto conducted his troops across the stream, and then marched 
onward until, on the 18th of December, he arrived at the village of 

* Supposed to be the Tombigbe. f Portuguese Relation, c. 20. 

13 



OONQUJ ST <M' M ORIDA. 






Chios ,i,i'ivinuiiu-ii die province tooto Its iLrnii' * [t stood upon a 
gentle inii, stretching from north to sooth, watered on elthei sld< 
b\ i -null stream, bordered i»\ groves of walnut wad >uk trees, 

The weather was nov severe with sooti ftnd toe, and the 
troops suffered extremeh tn their encampments. The governor, 
therefore determined to take np his winter Quarter* t*1 Ohioa a 
For this purpose he ordered wood and stra^ to be brought from 
the neighboring hamlets, wherewith to oonstruot houses j For 
notwithstanding there were two hundred tn the village, thej were 
boo im ill to shelter the army, 

n. -ni\ two months the Spaniards remained in this encamp 
raent, enjoying some quietude and repose The cavalry dailj 

ared the Belds, and eaptured the [ndians, whom the governor 
sent to the oaolaue with presents and offers of peaoe and friend 
ship The cacique made favorable replies, promising, from daj 
to day, to visit the camp, but as often exousing his delay, and 
sending pre ( fruit, fish, and venison De Soto ve the 

neipal warriors of (his chieftain a feast, at whiehwas served 

up souk- \ which the [ndians had never before tasted, and 

stable and delicious did they find it, that from this time 

thej would prowl about the encampment everj night, to steal and 

■ v Considering the of the ivuntrv tluvugh whu'h thoj 

v. b the modem iivwumis «f that region, the direction of the march, 

.•.tiu\ aiul the ^Ustaiuv, it is v . j . x ,u>iu that this was tho ivuutrv of the 

Chick - athenppwpart of th< ) pillage 

HTOhahty sUvd W OjC w oatem bank of the Ya/AK\ a braiu'h of the V 

to the norttwweat of Mobih*. Charlevoix remarks, 

\ . tMtu'aohas Jans sv>n Histo.no (fa la Oo»(|1 

ot tl tea place a p< ctroit, oil ils aont e» 

■.-. \ ide Charlevoix, Joar. Hist, i oi sods p - s JWUroap'Si 
\ : do ^ \ tad Utst. of i 1 '. N »ppi ViH 

1 r I 



i-i-,.«:i;i. 01 THE <:iM./ii.;/.i, . 

I. ill III* ■..,-/ 1 in; TWO I ikIi.-iii I, wlio W i ' ' tUgllt m I.Ik-, ;i.i:I,. w . -,. 

ibot fco di atb, by ordi i oi thi go n i noi , and a third bad bl i 
band out off, and was sent to his eoeique at an e ampL and vara 
lug to the otbi i I ndian i 

4 bout tin- i. ii.k foui oidii i >■ paired to the dwelling oi tbe 

que, about a I' ague from the camp, without the pei mi ision oi 
m.<- governor, and carried on l*;/ force tome skins and mantle*, 
win- 1. '-I ill* 1 1 1 « J i ... 1 1 . ; that k.,.1./ oi them abandoned 

i.Ik ii homes vvIikh Dc Soto beard ol this rioienee, be bad them 
all arrested; comdemned tbe two ringleader*, Franci co ( > orio 
and one Puentez, to death, and confiscated tbe goods oi all the 
foui ouipi it 

'I'll, priests and officers of tbi army supplicated tbegeneral 
to mitigate tbe sentence, and begged the life ol Prancisco Osorio 
h<; Soto, however, was innexibli Tbe unfortunate criminals 
were led forth into, tbe public square to be beheaded. Ai. this 
moment a party of [ndians arrived, being sent by tbe cacique, 
to make his complaints Thi i event, which leemed calculated 
to hasten tbe death of tbe Spaniards, vas tbe means oi tbeii sal 
ration. Juan Ortiz, the interpreter, instigated by Baltazai de 
Ga-llegos, and otbei ofnoei oi rank, cunningly gave a false in 
terpretation of the complaints of tbe indignant chieftain He 
told tbe governoi that the cacique bad sent these [ndians to lay, 
that tbe soldiers were not guilty, and had in ■ offended him, 

and that be would consider it as i gn i£ favoi if tb< y w&h .■■ 
doned and set at liberty Upon this tbe governoi pardoned tbe 
criminals,* On the otbei band, Ortiz d tbe Indians, that 

tbe soldiers who bad injured them were in prison, and that tbe 

rnoi would punish them in such an exemplary manner, as to 
1 1 ,<<■ .. .-,,, < ample fco all otln i 

1 PortU) i ration, t 20 



OONQl i.-i OF i'i GRID \ 
\u the nwuu (uuc, (In 1 SUOJeOtS of thlfl >.i'U|ii>' kept Up OOQ 

atant alarms :>< nlglit, as if about te assail the ?iiiagej but the 
moment the soldiers sallied out, the\ would take to flight The 
governoi suspct >tcd, however, that these were but sham attacks, in 
tended te tender his sentinels careless and off their guard when 
:i i.-.ii attack should be made He e&hortedhis eatnn»master, 
Luis de Mfo e, te be unceasing in his rigilanoe, and 

to maintain wateh upon theoampat night Kia suspi 

oiona and expectations wore correct, though unfortunately thej 
were but \\u\c heeded 



CHAPTER LXL 

Tin: i>i;;ii:i; \ i i: Q \ rn.i: OF CHICAZA, 
11,11 

A dark and cloudy night, when .1. north wind vvhh Mowing imioiiM 

ly. \v:i;! ollOHGn l»Y bho OaoiQUC I"' :« "i;iihI aSNauit ii|»«mi bh(3 vil 

i:i"<' Dividing his foroos into bhroc bands, t nice tin i attaoli 

;ii three several places, ho led <>ii bho centre i in person, and ap 

proaohod in the dead of 'lie night, with suoh silence, as bo ai 

pivo willini ;i 1 1 1 1 1 m I r< m I |>:i,rcM of I, lie Hniltinoll \\ 1 1 In hi I, being |"i 

oeived Having learnt by nil loouts, that the bwo other bandi 
were equally advanoed, he gave bhe signal <>r attack 

l mmediatel v bhe .hi resounded with the blasts of oonoh shells, 
the rumbling of wooden drums, and the yells and war whoops of 
bhe savages, who rushed like demons to the assault Many had 
lighted matches, like oords made «»i a vegetable substanoe, which 
whirled In the air, would blaze up Into a Eamoj othors '••"i at 
rows blpped with the same These they hurled upon bhe houses, 
w 1 1 1 < 1 1 being <>r reeds and straw, Instantly booli &re, and, the wind 
blowing strongly, were i wrapped is flames." 

* Aci'iinlin/jf i,n r.i< •< in in , iin- imiiiMii having lonmnc] whoru bho HpiuiUh 
.(•niiiifi'i wore | ►■ ■•(.•« i . hi . i . . i two by two an unguarclud purfc <»' bho village; 
mnl wiih Mid flro, which they oonoosled In imalJ pots, noon not bhe place In • 
blaio, justai Hi" war w\ p of anothoi band aroie I i wit] '< 



...,,-, CONQUEST OF FLORIDA 



The Spaniards, although surprised hy this sudden and furious 
assault, rushed out to defend themselves. De Soto, who always 
slept in ins doublet and hose, that he might be prepared for such 
emergencies, olasped od his oasque, drew on s surooat o( quilted 
cotton, three lingers in thiekness, the host defence against the ar 
rows of the savages, and seising buokler and ianoe, mounted his 
horse, and dashed fearlessly into the midst of the enemy, Ten 
or twelve horsemen followed him, though not immediately 

The soldiers in every direction started ap, with thru- wonted 
spirit^ to battle with the Indians \ but they labored under great 
disadvantages The strong wind, which blow the flames and smoke 
direotbj in their feces, greatly disconcerted them, Some were 
obliged to crawl out of their quarters on all tours, to escape the 

Lng flames . some, bewildered, fled from house to house . others 
rushed out into the plain] and some flew io rescue the sick and 
the wounded, who were in a dwelling apart Before succor ar 
rived, however,many of them had perished in the flames 

The cavalry had not time to arm themselves, or saddle their 
steeds Some led theirs forth, and hurried themfrom the flames; 
others, who had fastened up their horses with iron chains, on ac- 
count of their being restiff from high feeding, could not cast 
them Loose in the hurry, and had io Leave them io their fete, and 
tU lor their own Lives, k few who were enabled io mount gal 
Lcped to the assistance of the governor, who, with his scanty num- 
ber of followers, had been battling tor a Long time with the ene- 
mj The other two bauds of [ndians entered the village and at 
tacked the Spaniards on each flank; and, aided by the tiro and 
smoke, made great lu\ oc 

Win or flftj of the soldiers who were .-it the eastern end of 
the village, where the flames and the battle raged most fiercely, 



DS SOTO in DANGER Mi 



Bed info the lolds Nnno Tobar rushed after them, sword Is 
hand, his coat of mail loft unbuckled in the hurry "Turn, so] 

<li«'i m I I. ii in,' < ii ci I Ik>, M \v hi Mm r :ii c yOU H yni" ' I l< i< i,: ncil licr 

Cordova ■ Seville to give you refuge STour safety Lies In vour 

courage, and in the vigor of your arms; not in light M this 
moment I liirty soldiers, from a part of I he village which the Barnes 
had not peached, came up bo intercept the fugitives Thej taunt 
ed the recreant Spaniards with their shameful flight, and inducing 
them to join forces, they hastened together to renew the combat, 

\i this time, Andres de 1 asconcelos, with twenty four ohosen 
cavaliers of his company, ill Portuguese hidalgos, most of whom 
had served as horsemen Id the wars on the African frontier, oharg 
ed on the main body of the enemy He was accompanied by Nu 
no Tobar, on foot The fury of their attaolt forced the savages 
bo retire, 

This timely reinforcement gave new o 'age bo the handful of 

Spaniards, who, headed by the governor, were lighting in that 
quarter, De Soto had marked an Endian warrior, who had fought 
with great fury and success Closing in with him, he gave hina a 
thrust of the lance; and charging upon him, and Leaning withal] 
his force upon the right stirrup to repeat the blow, the saddle, 
which had been left iingirt In the confusion of the assault, slipped 

off, and De Soto fell with It in tl idst of the enemy i The 

Spaniards, seeing his peril, dashed In, horse and foot, to his rescue, 
and kept the [ndians at bay, until he wai extricated and his 
steed saddled, when, vaulting upon his back, he pricked again into 
the light 

The [ndians, at length completely vanquished, led from the 
field of battle Do Soto, with liis troopers, pursued them as Long 
Li they oould be distinguished by the Light of the bui oing tillage 



298 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



then ordering the recall to be sounded, he returned to ascertain 
his loss. He found it greater than he had imagined. Forty Span- 
iards had fallen in the combat. Among the dead was a Spanish 
woman, the wife of a worthy soldier, and the only female who had 
accompanied the army. Her husband had left her behind when 
he rushed forth to fight. She had escaped from the house, but 
returned to save some pearls ; the flames cut off her second re- 
treat, and she was found afterwards burned to death. 

Fifty horses, also, had perished, and many more were wounded- 
Above twenty of them had been either burnt or shot down with 
arrows, in the houses where their masters had been obliged to 
leave them tied up. The darts had been skilfully aimed at the 
most vital parts. One horse had two shafts through the heart, 
shot from opposite directions. Another horse, and one of the 
broadest and heaviest in the army, was shot by such a vigorous 
arm, that the arrow had passed through both shoulders, and four 
fingers' breadth beyond. 

Another loss, which grieved the Spaniards, was that of the 
swine which they had brought with them, to stock their projected 
settlement. These had been shut up in an inclosure roofed with 
straw, and nearly all perished in the flames. 

In examining the bodies of the Indians killed in the battle, the 
Spaniards found three cords wound round several of them. These, 
it is said, they had brought to secure their anticipated spoils ; one 
being intended to bind a Spanish captive, another to lead off a 
horse, and the third to tie up a hog. The story, however, savors 
strongly of camp gossip. 

This disastrous battle, following on the ruinous one of Mau- 
vila, increased the gloom and exasperation of spirit of De Soto. 
He made strict inquiry into the night attack, and the circum- 



FATAL SURPRISE. 299 



stances which had enabled the enemy to approach, undiscovered, 
and surprise them so fatally. All this he attributed to gross 
negligence, on the part of Luis de Moscoso, in respect to placing 
sentinels and going the rounds. He had probably been already 
provoked by the tardy arrival of Moscoso on the fatal battle-field 
of Mauvila ; and now, in this additional cause of vexation, forgot 
his feelings of friendship to his old brother in arms. In his in- 
dignation he deposed Moscoso from his post of master of the 
camp, and appointed in his place the bold Baltazar de Grallegos.* 

* Garcilaso de la Vega, Lib. iii. c. 36, 37. Portuguese Narrative, c. 20. 
Biedma in Recueil de Pieces sur la Floride, par H. Ternaux-Compans. 

13* 



CHAPTER LXIL 

THE SPANIARDS REMOVE TO CHICACILLA OCCURRENCES THERE THE 

EXPLOIT OF JUAN DE GUZMAN THE INVENTION OF ONE OF THE 

SOLDIERS AS A PROTECTION AGAINST THE COLD. 

1541. 

Three days after the battle, the Spaniards shifted their encamp- 
ment to a more advantageous position, about a league distant, 
which they called Chicacilla.* Here they set np a forge, and 
busied themselves in newly tempering their swords, injured by 
the fire, and in making saddles, and shields, and lances, to replace 
those which had been consumed. 

In this village they sojourned the remainder of the winter, 
suffering grievously from the extreme cold. They were in wretch- 
ed plight, having saved no clothing from the late battle, except 
what they chanced to have on their backs. When the savages 
learnt the extent of the havoc they had made, their fierce spirits 
were aroused anew, and they hovered every night round the camp, 
making repeated assaults, and sounding frequent alarms. The 
Spaniards, lest the Indians should fire the houses, as they had 
done those of Chicaza, remained all the night long without the 
village, arrayed in four different squadrons, with sentries posted. 

" :; " That is, a Little Chicaza. 



DESPERATE ENCOUNTER. 301 



They were obliged to maintain a vigilant watch, for the savages 
burst upon them at all hours. In these nocturnal skirmishes, 
many were killed and wounded on both sides. 

Every morning De Soto dispatched four or five parties of 
horse, in different directions, to scour the country. They cut 
down every Indian they encountered, and always returned at sun- 
set, with the assurance that there was not an Indian breathing 
within four leagues. In four or five hours afterwards, however, 
hordes of Indians would attack them. It seemed almost incredi- 
ble that the savages could have assembled in so short a time. 

One night a band of Indians approached warily the place 
where Captain Juan de Gkiznian, with his company, were posted. 
De Gruzman, perceiving them by the light of the blazing fagots, 
sprang upon his horse, and, followed by five horsemen and a few 
foot, charged down upon them. De G-uzman, who was a cavalier 
of unflinching spirit, though of a delicate form, singled out an In- 
dian in the vanguard, who carried a banner, and made a lunge at 
him with his lance. The Indian, avoiding the blow, caught the 
lance with his right hand, wrested it from De Guzman, then seized 
him by the collar, and giving him a violent jerk, hurled him from 
the saddle to his feet ; all this while holding the banner in his 
left hand. 

The soldiers, witnessing the imminent danger of their leader, 
rushed in, cut the Indian to pieces, and put the whole band of 
savages to rout. The troopers dashed after them in hot pursuit. 
The ground favored the movements of the horse, and the Span- 
iards would have signally avenged their late disaster, had not 
their career been suddenly arrested by the cry of i: To the camp ! to 
the camp !" At this startling summons, they wheeled about and 
galloped back to the encampment, and thus the fugitives escaped. 



302 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



The alarm was raised by one of the monks, who was fearful that 
the troopers, in their vengeful pursuit, might fall into some ambush 
of the enemy. Forty Indians fell in this affray. The Spaniards 
lost two of their steeds, and two were wounded. 

The army remained in this encampment until the end of 
March. Besides being unceasingly harassed by the enemy, they 
suffered bitterly from the cold, which was rigorous in the extreme ; 
especially to men who had to pass every night under arms, with 
scarce any clothing. 

In this extremity, however, they were relieved by the ingenui- 
ty of one of the common soldiers. He succeeded in making a 
matting, four fingers in thickness, of a long and soft kind of grass, 
or dried ivy, one half of which served as a mattress, and the other 
half was turned over as a blanket. He likewise made many 
others for his companions, who all assisted him in the manufac- 
ture. 

These rustic beds were brought every night to the main guard, 
and, with their aid, those who were on duty were enabled to en- 
dun; the severe oohl of the winter nights. The army also found 
abundant provisions of maize and dried fruits in the neighbor- 
hood.* 

* Garcilaso de la Vega, Lib. iii. o. 39. Portuguese Narrative, c. 21. 



CHAPTER LXIII. 

JUAN DE ANASCO, AND A DETACHMENT OP HORSE AND FOOT, HAVE A 
BRUSH WITH THE NATIVES ; AND HOW HE WAS TAUNTED UY THEM 

STORMING OF THE FORTRESS OF ALIBAMO CHALLENGE OF AN 

INDIAN WARRIOR, AND HOW HE FARED IN CONSEQUENCE. 

1541. 

On the first of April, the army broke up their encampment. 
They journeyed four leagues the first day. through a champaign 
country thickly studded with small hamlets, and halted in a plain 
beyond the territory of Ohicaza; vainly fancying that the In- 
dians, now that they had left their province, would no longer mo- 
lest them. 

A strong party of horse and foot, commanded by Juan de 
Anasco, which was foraging for provision:-, came in sight of an 
Indian fortress, garrisoned by a great body of savages, who Look- 
ed like devils rather than men. Their bodies were painted in 
stripes, white, black, and red. as if clothed with fantastic garments. 
Their faces were blackened, and they had red circles round their 
eyes, which gave them a ferocious aspect : while some wore feath- 
er-; upon their heads, and others horns. On seeing the .Spaniards 
they sallied forth, shouting and yelling, and beating wooden dm 

De Anaseo retreated to an open field within a cross-bow shot 



304 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



of the fortress, and drew up his cross-bow men with their buck- 
lers before the horses, to protect them. In this way he received 
the light skirmishing assaults of the Indians. The latter, seeing 
the inferiority of the Spaniards, taunted them from a distance, 
by a singular piece of mummery. Having kindled a great fire in 
front of their fort, they pretended to knock one of their compan- 
ions on the head with a club, and then swung him by the feet and 
shoulders, as if they would throw him into the flames: thereby 
giving the Spaniards to understand the treatment they were to 
expect. Juan de Anasco was of too irritable a temperament to 
bear such taunts patiently, but felt the insufficiency of his force 
to attack the fortress. He dispatched, therefore, three troopers 
to the governor, to entreat assistance. 

Leaving one third of the infantry and cavalry to guard the 
camp, De Soto immediately marched out with the remainder, to the 
assault of the fort, which was called Alibamo.* This fortress was 
built in the form of a quadrangle, of strong palisades. The four 
sides were each four hundred paces in length. Within, the fort 
was traversed from side to side by two other palisades, dividing 
it into separate parts. In the outer wall were three portals, so 
low and narrow that a man could not enter them mounted on 
horse. Passing through these, appeared the other wall, with 
three entrances, and behind that a third ; so that if the outer 
wall were gained, the garrison could retreat to the second, and so 
on. In the last wall were three portals, opening upon a narrow 
and deep river, that flowed in the rear of the fort.f So high were 

* We give the name according to the Inca. Biedma calls it Alibanio, and 
the Portuguese narrator Alimamu. Mr. Meek says, this is no doubt the 
original of the word Alabama, — which signifies, in the Muscoghee tongue, 
' Here we rest! 

f Supposed to be the Yazoo river, in the county of Tallahatchie. In the 



ATTACK OF INDIAN FORTS. 305 



the banks of this stream, that it was exceedingly difficult to clam- 
ber up them on foot, and they were inaccessible for horse. A few 
rude and dilapidated bridges were thrown across the river, afford- 
ing a difficult passage. 

The Indians had constructed their fort in this manner, that 
the Spaniards might not avail themselves of their horses, but be 
obliged to battle with them foot to foot, when they fancied they 
were not only equal but even superior to their enemies. 

De Soto, having carefully reconnoitred the fortress, ordered a 
hundred of the best armed horsemen to dismount, and, forming 
three squadrons, advance, three abreast, and commence the attack; 
whilst the foot, who were less completely cased in defensive ar- 
mor, should support their rear ; and, together, they should strive 
to seize the three entrances. The slight formed but brave Juan 
de Guzman led on one of the squadrons ; Alonso Homo de Car- 
denosa, another; and the stout G-onzalo Silvestre, the third. 

The Indians, who had until this moment remained shut up in 
their fortress, perceiving the preparations of the Spaniards for 

valuable work of Squier and Davis, published by the Smithsonian In- 
stitute, there is a description, furnished by the Rev. R. Morris, of some 
works in this region, which he is disposed to ascribe to De Soto, but which 
are probably the remains of this or a similar fortification thrown up by the 
natives, and so frequently noticed in every account of De Soto's expedition. 
It is very judiciously observed by these gentlemen, that " had Hernando de 
Soto erected one tenth of the works which have been ascribed to him, in the 
States bordering the Gulf, in Tennessee, and even in Kentucky, he must have 
found ample demands on his time and exertions. It is most likely, however, 
that the intervals between his tedious and toilsome marches were occupied 
more profitably, if not less laboriously, than in the erection of vast earth 
structures of this description, which, when finished, could not possibly have 
served him any useful purpose. His handful of weary followers probably 
found in a small stockade of logs a better defence, and one more obviously 
within then capabilities of construction." 



306 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



the assault, sallied out to battle, a hundred men from each portal. 
At the first discharge, Diego de Castro, Luis Bravo, and Francis- 
co de Figueroa, were brought to the ground, mortally wounded. 
All three were pierced in the thigh, with arrows barbed with flint ; 
for the savages, having gained some experience during their war- 
fare with the Spaniards, always aimed at the thigh, which was 
never guarded. The Spaniards, seeing their companions fall, 
shouted to one another to rush in, and leave the Indians no time 
to gall them with their arrows. They charged furiously, and 
drove the enemy before them, to the very portals of the fortress. 

"While Juan de Anasco and Andres de Yasconcelos attacked 
the savages on the flank, De Soto, with twenty horse, charged 
upon the other. As the governor was spurring onward, an arrow 
struck him upon his casque with such force that it rebounded a 
pike's length in the air, and De Soto confessed afterwards that it 
made his eyes flash fire. Pressed by the united shock of horse 
and foot, the Indians made for the entrances of the fort, but 
these were so narrow that a great number were slaughtered with- 
out the walls. The Spaniards rushed in, pell-mell, with them. 

The carnage within the fortress was dreadful. The Indians 
were crowded together, and the Spaniards, remembering the in- 
juries they had received from them during the past winter, gave 
loose to their rage, and massacred them without mercy. As they 
wore no defensive, armor, they were easily dispatched. Many, 
trusting to their agility, leaped the wall into the plains, and, fall- 
ing into the hands of the soldiers, were instantly slain. Many 
escaped, by the portals in the rear, to the bridges ; but in their 
haste to cross, several were jostled into the river, which flowed at 
a great distance beneath. Others, pressed by the enemy, threw 
themselves from the banks and swam across. In a short time. 



PROWESS OF SALINAS. 301 



the fortress was abandoned and in the power of the Spaniards; 
while those Indians who reached the opposite bank placed them- 
selves in battle array. 

One of the savages who had escaped, desirous of showing his 
skill with the bow and arrow, separated himself from his compan- 
ions, and shouted to the Spaniards, giving them to understand, 
by signs and words, that he challenged any archer to come out 
and have a shot with him, to prove which man was the better 
marksman. Upon this, Juan de Salinas, a brave Austrian hidal- 
go, who with some companions had sheltered himself among trees 
from the arrows, stepped forth, and walking down to the bank of 
the river, took his stand opposite to the Indian. One of his com- 
panions called to him to wait until he should come to guard him 
with his shield ; but Salinas refused to take any advantage of his 
enemy. He placed an arrow in his cross-bow, while the Indian 
also selected one from his quiver, and both drew at the same mo- 
ment. 

The dart of Juan de Salinas took effect, and pierced the 
Indian's breast. He would have fallen, but was received in the 
arms of his companions, who bore him away, more dead than 
alive. The Indian's arrow pierced the Spaniard in the nape of 
the neck, and remained crossed in the wound. Salinas returned 
with it in this state to his comrades, well pleased with his success. 
The comrades of the fallen Indian allowed him to dejoart without 
molestation, as the challenge had been man to man. 

The Adelantado, deterrninetl to punish the impudence and 
daring of these Indians, called on the cavalry to follow him ; and, 
crossing the river by an easy ford above the fort, galloped out 
upon the plain ; then, charging upon the savages, he pursued 
them for more than a league, with great slaughter; and had 



308 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



night not interposed, not one would have survived to tell the 
tale. As it was, the carnage was very great. 

When the Spaniards gave up the pursuit, they returned to 
their encampment, and halted there four days until the wounded 
were restored. Fifteen subsequently died. Of these were the 
three cavaliers who had fallen at the commencement of the battle. 
They were greatly lamented by their companions, for they were 
noble, young, and valiant ; not one of them had reached his 
twenty-fifth year.* 

* G-arcilaso de la Vega, Lib. iii. c. 35. Portuguese Narrative, c. 20. 
Biedma in Recueil de Pieces sur la Floride, par H. Ternaux-Compans. 



CHAPTER LXIV. 

THE SPANIARDS COME IN SIGHT OF THE MISSISSIPPI THE CACIQUE 

CHISCA HIS HOSTILE MOVEMENTS. 

1541. 

After four days the Spaniards departed from the encampment 
of Alibamo, still marching towards the north, to avoid the sea. 
For seven days they traversed an uninhabited country, full of 
forests and swamps, where they had sometimes to swim their 
horses.* At length they came in sight of a village, called Chisca. 
It was seated near a wide and rapid river, and as it was the 
largest they had discovered in Florida, they called it Rio Grande. 
This was the "Father of Waters," the mighty Mississippi.! De 
Soto was the first European who looked out upon the turbid 
waters of this magnificent river, and that event has more surely 
enrolled his name among those who will ever live in American 
history, than if he had discovered mines of gold and silver. The 

* Portuguese Relation, c. 22. 

f The Inca, on the authority of Juan Coles, one of the followers of 
De Soto, says, that the Indian name of the river was Chucagua. The Portu- 
guese narrator says, that in one place it was called Tumaliseu ; in another 
Tapata ; in another Mico ; and at that part where it enters into the sea, Ri. 
It is probable it had different names among the different Indian tribes. The 
village of Chisca is called Quizquiz, by the Portuguese narrator. 



310 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



Indians of this province, owing to their unceasing warfare with 
the natives of Chicaza, and the country lying between them being 
unpeopled, knew nothing of the approach of the strangers. The 
moment the Spaniards descried the village, they rushed into it 
in a disorderly manner, took many prisoners, of both sexes and 
of all ages, and pillaged the houses. 

On a high artificial mound, on one side of the village, stood 
the dwelling of the cacique, which served as a fortress. The only 
ascent to it was by two ladders Many of the Indians took re- 
fuge there, whilst others fled to a dense wood, that arose between 
the village and the river. Chisca, the chieftain of the province, 
was very old, and lying ill in his bed. Hearing the tumult and 
shouts, however, he raised himself and went forth ; and as he 
beheld the sacking of his village and the capture of his vassals, 
he seized a tomahawk and began to descend in a furious rage, 
threatening vengeance and extermination to all who had dared to 
enter his domains without permission. With all these bravadoes 
the cacique, besides being infirm and exceedingly old, was pitiful 
in his dimensions ; the most miserable little Indian that the 
Spaniards had seen in all their marchings. He was animated, 
however, by the remembrance of the deeds and exploits of his 
youth, for he had been a doughty warrior, and ruled over a vast 
province. 

The women and attendants of the cacique surrounded him, 
and with tears and entreaties prevailed upon him not to descend ; 
a,t the same time, those who came up from the village informed 
him that the enemy were men such as they had never before be- 
held or heard of, and that they came upon strange animals of 
great size and wonderful agility. u If you desire to battle with 
them," said they, li to avenge this injury, it will be better to sum- 



INDIAN" COUNCIL. 311 



mon together the warriors of the neighborhood and await a more 
fitting opportunity. In the mean time let us put on the semblance 
of friendship, and not, by any inconsiderate rashness, provoke our 
destruction." With these, and similar arguments, the women and 
attendants of the cacique prevented his sallying forth to battle. 
He continued, however, in great wrath, and when the governor 
sent him a message, offering peace, he returned an answer, refus- 
ing all amity, and breathing fiery vengeance. 

De Soto and his followers, wearied out with the harassing 
warfare of the past winter, were very desirous of peace. Having 
pillaged the village and offended the cacique, they were in some- 
thing of a dilemma ; accordingly, they sent him many gentle and 
most soothing messages. Added to their disinclination for war, 
they observed, that during the three hours they had halted in the 
village, nearly four thousand well armed warriors had rallied 
round the cacique, and they feared, that if such a multitude could 
assemble in such a short time, there must be large reinforcements 
in reserve. They perceived, moreover, that the situation of the 
village was very advantageous for the Indians, and very unfavor- 
able to them ; for the plains around were covered with trees and 
intersected by numerous streams, which would impede the move- 
ments of the cavalry. But more than all this, they had learned 
from sad experience, that these incessant conflicts did not in the 
least profit them : day after day man and horse were slain, and 
in the midst of a hostile country, and far from home or hope of 
succor, their number was gradually dwindling away. 

The Indians held a council to discuss the messages of the 
strangers. Many were for war ; they were enraged with the im- 
prisonment of their wives and children, and the pillage of their 
property ; to recover which, according to their fierce notions, the 



312 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



only recourse was arms. Others, who had not lost any thing, yet 
desired hostilities, from a natural inclination for fighting. They 
wished to exhibit their valor and prowess, and to try what kind 
of men these were, who carried such strange arms. The more 
pacific savages, however, advised that the proffered peace should be 
accepted, as the surest means of recovering their wives and chil- 
dren and effects; they added, that the enemy might burn their 
villages and lay waste their fields, at a time when their grain was 
almost ripening, and thus add to their calamities. The valor 
of these strangers, said they, is sufficiently evident : for men who 
have passed through so many enemies, cannot be otherwise than 
brave. 

This latter counsel prevailed. The cacique, dissembling his 
anger, replied to the envoy, that since the Spaniards entreated for 
peace, he would grant it, and allow them to halt in the village, 
and give them food, on condition that they would immediately 
free his subjects and restore their effects ; not keeping a single 
article. He also stipulated that they should not mount to see 
him. If these terms were accepted, he said, he would be friend- 
ly ; if not, he defied them to the combat. 

The Spaniards readily agreed to these conditions ; the prison- 
ers and plunder were restored, and the Indians departed from the 
village, leaving food in the dwellings for the Spaniards, who so- 
journed here six days to tend the sick. On the last day, with 
the permission of the cacique, De Soto visited him, and thanked 
him for his friendship and hospitality, and on the subsequent day 
they resumed their march. 



CHAPTER LXV. 

THE SPANIARDS PREPARE TO CROSS THE MISSISSIPPI A CACIQUE, 

WITH A LARGE FLEET OF CANOES, COMES TO VISIT THE GOVER- 
NOR : THE RESULT OF THEIR INTERVIEW PASSAGE OF THE MIS- 
SISSIPPI ARRIVAL AMONG THE KASKASKIAS INDIANS. 

1541. 

Departing from Chisca, the army travelled by slow journeys of 
three leagues a day, on account of the wounded and sick. They 
followed up the windings of the river until the fourth day, when 
they came to an opening in the thickets. Heretofore, they had 
been threading a vast and dense forest, bordering the stream, 
whose banks were so high on both sides, that they could neither 
descend nor clamber up them. De Soto found it necessary to 
halt in this plain twenty days, to build boats or piraguas to cross 
the river ; for on the opposite bank a great multitude of Indian 
warriors were assembled, well armed, and with a fleet of canoes 
to defend the passage. 

The morning after the governor had encamped, some of the 
natives visited him. Advancing, without speaking a word, and 
turning their faces to the east, they made a profound genuflection 
to the sun ; then facing to the west, they made the same obeisance 
to the moon, and concluded with a similar, but less humble rever- 



314 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



ence to De Soto. They said that they came in the name of the 
cacique of the province, and in the name of all his subjects, to 
bid them welcome, and to offer their friendship and services ; and 
added, that they were desirous of seeing what kind of men these 
strangers were, as there was a tradition handed down from their 
ancestors, that a white people would come and conquer their coun- 
try.* The Adelantado said many kind things in reply, and dis- 
missed them, well pleased with their courteous reception. 

The cacique sent him repeated messages of kindness, but 
never visited the encampment; excusing himself on account of 
ill health. His subjects aided the Spaniards with much cheerful- 
ness ; while the Indians from the opposite side of the river har- 
assed them continually ; crossing over in their canoes, and launch- 
ing arrows at them, while at work. The archers and cross-bow 
men, however, as on a former occasion, concealed themselves in 
pits, until the enemy drew nigh, then suddenly rising and firing 
upon them, they scattered them with great slaughter. 

One day, while at work, they perceived a fleet of two hundred 
canoes, descending the river. They were filled with armed In- 
dians, painted after their wild fashion, adorned with feathers of 
every color, and carrying shields in their hands, made of the buf- 
falo hide, wherewith some sheltered the rowers, while others stood 
in the prow and poop of the canoe with their bows and arrows. 
The canoes of the cacique and chief warriors were decorated with 
fanciful awnings, under which they sat and gave their orders to 
those who rowed. " It was a pleasing sight," says the Portuguese 
narrator, " to behold these wild savages in their canoes, which 
were neatly made and of great size, and, with their awnings, color- 
ed feathers and waving standards, appeared like a fleet of galleys." 

* Portug-uese Narrative, c. 22. 



PASSAGE OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 315 



They paddled to within a stone's throw of the shore, where 
the governor was standing, surrounded by his officers. The ca- 
cique addressed him, and professed that he came to offer his ser- 
vices and assure him of his obedience, as he had been informed 
that he was the most powerful prince of the whole earth. De 
Soto returned him thanks, and begged him to land, that they 
might converse more, conveniently. The cacique returned no an- 
swer, but sent three canoes on shore with presents of fruity and 
bread made of the pulp of a certain kind of plum.* The gover- 
nor again importuned the savage to land, but perceiving him to 
hesitate, and suspecting a treacherous and hostile intent, marshal- 
led his men in order of battle. Upon this, the Indians turned 
their prows and fled. The cross-bow men sent a flight of arrows 
after them, and killed five or six of their number. They retreat- 
ed in good order, covering the rowers with their shields. Several 
times after this, they landed to attack the soldiers, as was sup- 
posed, but the moment the Spaniards charged upon them, they 
fled to their canoes. 

At the end of twenty days, four piraguas were built and 
launched. About three hours before the dawn of day, De Soto 
ordered them to be manned, and four troopers of tried courage 
to go in each. 

The rowers pulled strongly, and when they were within a 
stone's throw of the shore, the troopers dashed into the water, and 
meeting with no opposition from the enemy, they easily effected 
a landing, and made themselves masters of the pass. Two hours 
before the sun went down, the whole army had passed over the 
Mississippi. 

* The Persimmon. Loaves are still made of this wild fruit among the 
Indians and settlers of the West. 

14 



316 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



The river in this place, says the Portuguese historian, was as 
half league from one shore to the other, so that a man standing 
still could scarce be discerned from the opposite shore. It was 
of great depth, of wonderful rapidity, and very muddy ; and was 
always filled with floating trees and timber, carried down by the 
force of the current.* 

Breaking up the boats as before, to preserve the nails, they 
proceeded onward four days, through a wilderness, intersected in 
many places by morasses which they were obliged to ford ; and, 
on the fifth day, from the summit of a high ridge, they descried 
a large village, containing about four hundred dwellings. It was 
seated on the banks of a river, the borders of which, as far as the 
eye could reach, were covered with luxuriant fields of maze, inter- 
spersed with groves of fruit trees. f The natives, who had al- 
ready received notice of their approach, thronged out in crowds to 
receive them, freely offering their houses and effects for their use. 

Two Indian chiefs arrived in a short time, with a train of war- 
riors, bearing a welcome from their cacique, and an offer of his 
services. The governor received them very courteously., and 
treated them with much kindness, so that they went away well 
pleased. 

The Spaniards finding abundance of food for man and horse, 
halted for six days in the village, which bore the name of Cas- 
quin or Casqui, as did the whole province and its cacique. ^ 

* Portuguese Narrative, c. 22. This place, where De Soto and his army 
crossed the Mississippi, was probably the lowest Chickasaw Bluff, one of the 
ancient crossing places, between the thirty-fourth and thirty-fifth parallel of 
latitude. 

f Probably the river St. Francis. 

X Supposed to be the same as the Kaskaskias Indians, who, at that time, 
peopled a province southwest of the Missouri. Vide Nuttall's Arkansas, p, 
85, 250, 251. Charlevoix, Journal Historique, Vol. iii. let. 28. 



MEETING- WITH THE CACIQUE. 31? 



Resuming their journey, they marched through a populous 
and champaign country, where the land was more elevated and 
the soil less alluvial than any they had yet seen on the borders 
of the Mississippi. The fields were overflowingly fruitful ; the 
pecan nut, the red and gray plum, and mulberry trees, grew there 
in abundance.* In two days they came to the chief town, where 
the cacique resided. It was seated on the same side of the river, 
about seven leagues above, and in a very fertile and populous 
country. Here they were all received by the cacique, who made 
him a present of mantles,! skins, and fish ; and invited De Soto 
to lodge in his habitation. It stood on a high artificial hill one 
side of the village, and consisted of twelve or thirteen large 
houses for the accommodation of his numerous family of women 
and attendants. The governor declined the invitation, for fear 
of incommoding him. A part of the army quartered in the 
houses, the remainder lodged in bowers, which the Indians quick- 
ly built of green branches, in groves close by. It was now the 
month of May, and as the weather was becoming oppressively 
warm, the tenants of these rustic bowers found them truly de- 
lightful. 

* Portuguese Narrative, c. 23. Supposed to be the country of the Little 
Prairie and that chain of high land extending to New Madrid ; in the vicinity 
of which are to be seen many aboriginal remains. Vide Nuttall's Arkansas, 
p. 251. 

f These mantles were fabricated from coarse threads of the bark of trees 
and nettles. 



CHAPTER LXVI. 

A RELIGIOUS CEREMONY ON THE BANKS OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 

1541. 

The army remained tranquil in this village during three days, 
with much good feeling on both sides. On the morning of the 
fourth the cacique, accompanied by all his principal subjects, 
came into the presence of De Soto, and making a profound obeis- 
ance, " Sefior," said he, " as you are superior to us in prowess, and 
surpass us in arms, we likewise believe that your God is better 
than our God ! These you behold before you, are the chief war- 
riors of my dominions. We supplicate you to pray to your God 
to send us rain, for our fields are parched for the want of water !"* 
De Soto replied, that although he and all his followers were 
but sinners, yet they would supplicate God, the father of mercies, 
to show mercy unto them. In the presence of the cacique, he 
then ordered his chief carpenter, Francisco the Genoese, to hew 
down the highest and largest pine tree in the vicinity, and con- 
struct of it a cross. 

* The Portuguese narrator says, that the cacique besought him to restore 
to sight two blind men he had brought with him, and Biedma that the Indian 
chief begged him to leave behind him a cross, by supplicating which he might 
obtain help in his numerous wars. 



RELIGIOUS PROCESSION". 319 



They immediately felled one, of such immense size, that a hun- 
dred men could not raise it from the ground. They formed of 
it a perfect cross, and erected it on a high hill, on the banks of 
the river, which served the' Indians as a watchtower, overlooking 
every eminence in the vicinity. Every thing was prepared in 
two days, and the governor ordered that the next morning all 
should join in a solemn procession to it, except an armed squad- 
ron of horse and foot, who should be on the alert, to protect the 
army. 

The cacique walked beside the governor, and many of the 
savage warriors mingled among the Spaniards. Before them 
went a choir of priests and friars, chanting the litany, while the 
soldiers responded. The procession, in which were more than a 
thousand persons, both Spaniards and Indians, wound slowly and 
solemnly along, until it arrived before the cross, where all sank 
upon their knees. Two or three prayers were now offered up ; 
they then arose, and, two by two, approached the holy emblem, 
bent the knee before it, and worshipped and kissed it. # 

On the opposite shore of the river were collected fifteen or 
twenty thousand savages, of both sexes, and all ages, to witness 
this singular but imposing ceremony. With their arms extended, 
and their hands raised, they watched the movements of the Span- 
iards. Ever and anon they raised their eyes to heaven, and made 
signs with their faces and hands, as if asking of Grod to listen to 
the Christian prayer. Then would they raise a low and wailing 
cry, like people in excessive grief, echoed by the plaintive mur- 
murings of their children's voices. De Soto and his followers 
were moved to tenderness, to behold, in a strange and heathen 

* Biedma adds, that the Indians brought with them a ' quantity of reeds 
and walled the cross around. 



320 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



land, a savage people, worshipping, with such deep humility and 
tears, the emblem of our redemption. Observing the same or- 
der, the procession returned ; the priests chanted forth Te Deum 
laicdamus, and with it closed the solemnities of the day. 

God, in his mercy, says the Spanish chronicler, willing to show 
these heathens, that he listeneth unto those who call upon him in 
truth, sent down, in the middle of the ensuing night, a plenteous 
rain, to the great joy of the Indians.* 

The cacique, with his warriors, astonished and overjoyed at 
this unhoped for blessing, formed a procession, in imitation of the 
Christians, and repaired to De Soto to express his gratitude for 
the kindness his God had shown them through his" intercession. 
The governor answered them, that they must give thanks to God 
who created the heavens and earth, and was the bestower of these 
and other far greater mercies. 

It is a reflection, replete with interest, that nearly three cen- 
turies ago, the cross, the type of our beautiful religion, was plant- 
ed on the banks of the Mississippi, and its silent forests were 
awakened by the Christian's hymn of gratitude and praise. The 
effect was vivid but transitory. The " voice cried in the wilder- 
ness," and reached and was answered by every heart, but it died 
away, and was forgotten, and was not to be heard again in that 
savage region, for many generations. It was as if a lightning 
gleam had broken for a moment upon a benighted world, startling 
it with sudden effulgence, only to leave it in tenfold gloom. The 
real dawning was yet afar off from the benighted valley of the 
Mississippi. 

* Las Casas, Lib. iy. c. 6. 



CHAPTER LXVIL 

EXPEDITION AGAINST THE CACIQUE CAPAHA HIS VILLAGE IS SACKED 

FORTIFIES HIMSELF IN AN ISLAND, WHERE HE IS AGAIN ASSAIL- 
ED THE SPANIARDS DESERTED BY THEIR. ALLIES, THE CASQUINS. 

1541. 

As the army had been already quartered nine or ten days in this 
village, De Soto gave orders for them to prepare to march the 
following morning. The cacique, who was about fifty years of 
age, obtained permission of the governor to go with him, with a 
train of his warriors and domestics ; the one to escort the army, 
the other to carry his supplies, as they had to traverse a wilder- 
ness, and also to clear the road, gather wood for the encampment, 
and fodder for the horses. The true object of the cacique, how- 
ever, was to avail himself of the presence of the Spaniards to 
wreak vengeanee on a neighboring chieftain called Capaha. * A 
war had existed between the tribes for several generations ; but 
the present cacique of Capaha had gained the ascendency, and 
kept Casquin in continual awe and subjection, by the superiority 
of his forces. 

In the morning, the eaeique Casquin took the field, to escort 
the governor. He had three thousand Indians laden with sup- 

* In the Portuguese Narration, and in Biedma, the name of this cacique 
is spelt Pacaha, 



322 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



plies, and with the baggage of the army, who were all armed with 
bows and arrows. But beside these, he had five thousand of his 
choicest warriors, well armed, fiercely painted, and decorated with 
their war plumes. With these he secretly meditated a signal 
ravage. 

With permission of the governor, he toot the lead, under pre- 
tence of clearing the road of any lurking foe, and preparing every- 
thing for the encampment of the Spaniards. He divided his men 
into squadrons, and marched, in good military array, a quarter of 
a league in advance. By night he posted sentinels in the same 
manner as the Spaniards. 

In this way they travelled for three days, at the end of which 
they came to a great swamp, miry on the borders, with a lake m 
the centre, too deep to be forded, and which formed a kind of gulf 
on the Mississippi, into which it emptied itself* Across this 
piece of water the Indians of Casquin constructed a rude bridge, 
of trunks of trees laid upon posts driven into the bottom of the 
lake, with a row of stakes above the bridge, for those who crossed 
to hold by. The horses were obliged to swim, and were got across 
with great difficulty, on account of the deep mire. This swamp 
separated the two hostile provinces of Casquin and Capaha. The 
Spaniards were nearly the whole day in crossing it, and encamped 
in beautiful meadows about half a league beyond. 

After travelling two days more, they came early on the third 
day to some elevated ridges, from whence they descried the 
principal town of Capaha, the frontier post and defence of the 
province, f 

It contained five hundred large houses, and was situated oq 

* Inca, Lib. iv. c. 7. Portuguese Relation, c. 23. 

f Tliis was the northernmost point reached hy De Soto on the Mississippi. 



FRESH REVERSES. 323 



a high ground which commanded the surrounding country. It 
was nearly encircled by a deep moat, fifty paces in breadth ; and 
where the moat did not extend, was defended by a strong wall of 
timber and plaster, such as has already been described. The 
moat was filled with water by a canal, cut from the Mississippi, 
which was three leagues distant. The canal was deep, and suffi- 
ciently wide for two canoes to pass abreast, without touching 
each other's paddles. This canal and moat were filled with fish, 
so as to supply all the wants of the village and army, without 
any apparent diminution of their number. 

Capaha had received intelligence by his scouts of the formi- 
dable allies who accompanied his old antagonist, Casquin. His 
own warriors were dispersed, and not sufficient in number to 
resist such additional force. As soon, therefore, as he saw the 
enemy approaching, he sprang into a canoe in the moat, and pass- 
ing along the canal into the Grand River, took refuge in a 
strong island. Such of his people as had canoes followed him, 
others fled into the neighboring woods, while some lingered in 
the village. 

Casquin, marching, as usual, in the advance, arrived with his 
warriors at the village some time before the Spaniards. Meeting 
with no resistance, he entered it warily, suspecting some ambush. 
This gave time for many of the loiterers to escape. 

As soon as Casquin ascertained that the village lay at his 
mercy, he gave full vent to his hatred and vengeance. His war- 
riors scoured the place, killed and scalped all the men they met, 
to the number of a hundred and fifty ; sacked and plundered the 
houses, and made captives of many boys, women, and children. 
Among the captives were two of the numerous wives of Capaha ; 

they were young and beautiful, and had been prevented from 

14* 



324 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



embarking with the cacique, by the confusion and alarm occa- 
sioned by the approach of the enemy. 

The hostility of Casquin and his warriors was not confined to 
the living, but extended to the dead. They broke into the grand 
sepulchre or mausoleum, in the public square, which the Indians 
hold so sacred. Here were deposited the remains of the ances- 
tors of the cacique, and of the great men of his tribe, and here 
were treasured up the trophies gained over the people of Casquin 
in many a past battle. These trophies they tore clown from the 
walls, and stripped the sepulchre of all its ornaments and treas- 
ures. They then threw down the wooden coffins, in which were 
the remains of the dead, trampled upon the bodies, scattered 
about the bones, and wreaked upon them all kinds of insults and 
indignities, in revenge for past injuries, which the deceased had 
inflicted upon their tribe. At the entrance of the sepulchre were 
the heads of many of their warriors, who had been slain in former 
battles 7 and which were here stuck on the ends of pikes as warlike 
trophies. These they took down, and bore away with them, re- 
placing them with the heads of the enemies they had massacred. 
They would have completed their triumph by setting fire to the 
sepulchre and the whole village, but were restrained by a fear of 
offending the governor. All these outrages were perpetrated 
before the Spaniards had reached the place. 

De Soto was much concerned at this ravage of his allies. He 
immediately sent envoys to Capaha, to the island on which he 
had fortified himself, with proffers of friendship. They were 
indignantly rejected ; and the governor learnt that the cacique 
was summoning all his warriors, and breathing vengeance. 

Finding every effort to conciliate the chieftain fruitless, the 
governor determined to attack him in his stronghold. Casquin 



RETREAT OF THE SPANIARDS. 325 



provided above seventy canoes for the purpose ; and an invasion 
of the island was made by two hundred Spaniards and three 
thousand Indians, 

The island was covered with a dense forest of trees and 
underwood, and the cacique had fortified himself strongly with 
barricades. The Spaniards effected a landing with great diffi- 
culty ; gained the first barrier by hard fighting, and pressed on 
'to the second, within which the women and children were shel- 
tered. Here the warriors of Capaha fought with redoubled fury, 
and struck such dismay into the people of Casquin, that they 
abandoned their Spanish allies and fled to their canoes ; nay, 
they would have carried off the canoes of the Spaniards also, had 
there not been a couple of soldiers in each, to guard them. 

The Spaniards, thus deserted by their pusillanimous allies, 
and being overpowered by numbers, began to retreat in good 
order to their canoes. They would all, however, have been cut 
off, had not Capaha restrained the fury of his warriors, and suf- 
fered them to regain the shore and embark unmolested. 

This unexpected forbearance on the part of the savage chief- 
tain surprised the Adelantado. On the following day four prin- 
cipal warriors arrived on an embassy from Capaha. They came 
with great ceremony ; bowed to the sun, the moon,, and the gov- 
ernor ; but took no notice of Casquin, who was present, treating 
him with utter contempt and disdain. In the name of their 
cacique, they prayed oblivion of the past, and amity for the 
future, and declared that their chieftain was ready to come in 
person and do homage. The general received them with the 
utmost affability, assured them of his friendship, and sent them 
away well pleased with their reception. 

Casquin was vexed at this negotiation, and would fain have 



:;•;,-. 0OJTQUBST OF FLORIDA. 

prolonged tlu^ hostilities between tho Spaniards and his ancient 
enemies ; but tho governor was as miu'h charmed with tho frank 
noss and magnanimity of ono eaoh|iie, as ho had boon displeased 
with tho craft and cruelty of tho othor. He issued Orders, 
forbidding any ono (o injure tho natives of tho province or their 
possessions 

In order to appease the governor for tho dastardly Sight of 

his warriors, Oasquin niado him presents of tisli. together with 
mantles and skins of various kinds; and, moreover, brought him 
one of his daughters as a handmaid. IV Soto, howovor. was 
not thoroughly io bo reconciled Wc permitted the cacique to 
remain with him, and to retain about him a sufficient number of 
vassals tor his personal service, but obliged him to send homo all 
his warriors * 



* n 



GkuroUaso do La Yoga, l ib iv. o, 7. s. \\ IVrtuguese Narrative, o %4 



CHAPTER LXVIII. 

INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE CACIQUE CAPAHA and DE SOTO. — ins two 
BEAUTIFUL WIVES, and THEIR PATE. 

1541. 

On the following morning Capaha came to the governor, at the 
tillage, attended by a train of a hundred warriors, decorated with 
beautiful plumes, and with mantles of all kinds of skins. He 
was about twenty-six years old, of noble person and fine demean- 
or. On entering the village, his first can;, before waiting do the 

governor, was fco nsit the sepulchre of his ancestors. The indig 
nities that bad been offered to their remains are such as an [ndian 
feds most acutely. The cacique, however, concealed the grief 
.•Mid rage that burnt within bis bosom. Gathering up the scatter- 
ed hones in silence, he kissed them, and returned them reverently 
to the coffins ; and having arranged the sepulchre, as well as oir 
cumstances would permit, proceeded to the quarters of the ww- 
ernor. 

De Soto came forth to receive him, accompanied by Casquin. 
The cacique paid his bomage to tin; governor, offering himself as 
his vassal ; but he took no more notice of his old adversary, Cas- 
quin, than if lie had not been present. The governor embraced 
Capaha as a friend, and lie was honorably treated by -'ill the of 
fleers. The cacique answered to numerous questions concerning 



CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



his territories, with great clearness and intelligence. When the 
governor had ceased his interrogatories, and there was a pause, 
Capaha could no longer restrain his smothered indignation. 
Turning suddenly to his rival cacique, c: Doubtless, Casquin," said 
he, " you exult in having revenged your past defeats ; a thing you 
could never have hoped or effected through your own forces. 
You may thank these strangers for it. They will go, but we shall 
remain in our own country as we were before. Pray to the sun 
and moon to send us good weather, then !" 

The governor interposed, and endeavored to produce a 
thorough reconciliation between the caciques. In deference to 
him, Capaha repressed his wrath, and embraced his adversary ; 
but there were occasional glances between them that portended a 
future storm, and the proud Capaha was constantly on the alert 
on all points of ceremony and precedence, and made Casquin give 
way to his superior pretensions. 

The governor and the two caciques partook of a repast to- 
gether, after which the two young and beautiful wives of Capaha, 
who had been captured, were brought to be restored to him. He 
received them with many acknowledgments of the generosity 
thus shown towards him, and then offered them as presents to the 
governor. On De Soto's declining them, he begged him to accept 
them and give them to some of his officers or soldiers, or to whom 
he pleased, as they could not be admitted again into his household, 
nor remain in his territories. The governor, seeing that he con- 
temned them, and considered them as dishonored, was persuaded 
to receive them under his protection ; knowing the laws and cus- 
toms of these savages to be. cruel in the extreme, when the chas- 
tity of their wives was concerned.* 

* The Portuguese historian says, that these beautiful females were the 



ABUNDANCE OF FISH. 329 



In the town of Capaha, the Spaniards found a great variety 
of skins of deer, panthers, bears, and wild cats. Of these they 
made garments, of which they stood in great need, many of them 
being nearly naked. They made moccasons of deer-skins, and 
used the bear-skins as cloaks. They found Indian bucklers 
formed of buffalo hides, which the troops took possession of. 

While quartered in the village, they were abundantly supplied 
with fish, taken from the adjacent moat, which formed a kind of 
wier, into which incredible numbers entered from the Mississippi. 
Among these was a kind called bagres, the head of which was 
one-third of its bulk, and about its fins and along its sides, it had 
bones as sharp as needles. Some of these caught in the Missis- 
sippi weighed from a hundred to a hundred and fifty pounds 
weight.* There was another fish, also, of a curious shape, hav- 
ing a snout a cubit in length, the upper lip like a spade or peel :f 
neither of these two species of fish had scales. The Indians 
likewise brought a fish occasionally, as large as a hog, which had 
several rows of teeth above and below. 

sisters of the cacique Capaha, and that he begged De Soto to accept them 
and marry them, as pledges of his affection. The one, he added, was called 
Macanoche, and the other Mochifa ; both handsome and well shaped ; espe 
dally the former, whose features were beautiful, her countenance pleasing, 
and her air majestic. We have followed the account of the Inca Garcilaso 
de la Vega. 

* The cat-fish. 

f This spade or palat-fish is at present so rare as scarcely to be met 
with ; but seems to have been peculiar to this region. — Vide Flint's Geo- 
graphy of the Mississippi, Vol. i. p. 128 and 129 ; Nuttall's Arkansas, p. 254. 



CHAPTER LXIX. 

TWO SOLDIERS DISPATCHED IN SEARCH OF SALT AND GOLD, AND THE 

ACCOUNT THEY BROUGHT BACK THE SPANIARDS ARRIVE AT QUI- 

GUATE JUAN GAYTAN REFUSES TO PERFORM HIS DUTY, AND WHAT 

DE SOTO DID THEREUPON. 

1541. 

While in the territory of Capaha, the governor gathered intelli- 
gence from the Indians, that at about forty leagues distance, among 
certain ranges of hills, there was much salt and also much of a 
yellowish metal. As the army was suffering for the want of salt, 
and still retained their eagerness for gold, De Soto dispatched two 
trusty and intelligent men, named Hernando de Silvera and Pe- 
dro Moreno, accompanied by Indian guides, to visit this region. 
At the end of eleven days they returned, quite spent and half 
famished, having eaten nothing but green plums and green maize, 
which they found in some squalid wigwams ; six of their Indian 
companions were laden with rock-salt in natural crystals, and one 
with copper. The country through which they had passed was 
sterile and thinly peopled, and the Indians informed the governor 
that still further to the north, the country was almost uninhabited 
on account of the cold. The buffalo roamed there in such num- 
bers that the natives could not cultivate fields of maize ; they 



FRESH SYMPTOMS OF MUTINY. 331 



subsisted, therefore, by the chase, and principally on the flesh of 
these wild animals.* 

Hearing this unfavorable account of the country, and that 
there was no gold in that direction, De Soto returned with his 
army to the village of Casquin, to strike from thence westward ; 
for hitherto, ever since leaving Mauvila, he had kept northward, 
to avoid the sea.f After sojourning five days in the village of 
Casquin, he proceeded four days down along the bank of the river, 
through a fertile and populous country, until he came to the pro- 
vince of Quiguate. where he was well received. Keeping down 
the river for five days longer, he came, on the fourth of August, 
to the chief village of the province, called by the same name. 
Here he took up his quarters during six days, in the house of the 
cacique. 

One night while lodged here, the governor was informed at 
midnight, that the treasurer, Juan Graytan, who was allotted to 
the patrol at four in the morning, refused to perforin his duty, 
giving his official station as an excuse, De Soto waxed wroth at 
this ; for this cavalier was one of those who had murmured at 
Mauvila, and had said that he would return to Spain or Mexico, 
as soon as they reached the ships. 

Leaving his bed, and sallying forth on the terrace before the 
house of the cacique, which overlooked the village, the governor 
raised his voice until it resounded through the place. " What is 
this, soldiers and captains?" cried he. "Do the mutineers still 
live, who, when in Mauvila, talked of returning to Spain or Mex- 
ico ? and do they now, with the excuse of being officers of the 
royal revenue, refuse to patrol the four hours that fall to their 

* Portuguese Relation, c. 24. f Garcilaso de la Vega, Lib. iv. c. 11. 



332 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



share ? Why do yon desire to return to Spain 1 — have yon left 
any hereditary estates that yon wish to enjoy % Why do yon wish 
to go to Mexico ? — to prove the baseness and pusillanimity of your 
spirits ? That, having it in your power to become chieftains in a 
vast and noble country you had discovered, you preferred living 
dependents in a stranger's house, and guests at a stranger's table, 
rather than maintain house and table of your own ! What honor 
will this confer upon you 1 Shame — shame on you ! blush for your- 
selves, and recollect that, officers of the royal treasury or not, you 
must all serve your sovereign ! Presume not upon any rank you 
may possess ; for, be he who he may, I will take off the head of 
that man who refuses to do his duty. And, to undeceive you, 
know that whilst I live, no one shall leave this country until we 
have conquered and settled it. 

These words, uttered in a great rage, showed the cause of that 
moody melancholy which the governor had manifested ever since 
he left Mauvila. This outbreak had a visible effect upon the sol- 
diery. They saw that their general was not to be trifled with, 
and they thenceforth obeyed his orders without murmuring. 



CHAPTER LXX. 

THE SPANIARDS ARRIVE AT COLIGOA PASS THROUGH THE PROV- 
INCE OF PALISEMA, INTO THE COUNTRY OF THE TUNICAS THE 

MANNER IN WHICH THE NATIVES MADE SALT ENTER THE 

PROVINCE OF TULA ATTACK UPON AN INDIAN VILLAGE 

STRUGGLE BETWEEN A SOLDIER AND FIVE WOMEN. 

1541. 

From Quiguate, De Soto shaped his course to the northwest, in 
search of a province called Coligoa, lying at the foot of mountains, 
beyond which he thought there might be a gold region. He was 
guided by a single Indian, who led the army for several days 
through dreary forests and frequent marshes, until they came to 
the village of Coligoa, on the margin of a small river. The 
natives, not being apprized of the coming of the Spaniards, 
threw themselves into the river on their approach, and fled. 
The troopers pursued them, and took a number of prisoners of 
both sexes. In a few days the cacique came to wait upon De 
Soto, bringing him a present of mantles, deer-skins, and hides of 
the bison or buffalo, and informed him that about six leagues to 
the northward, was a thinly peopled country, where vast herds 
of these wild buffalo ranged ;* but that to the southward, there 
was a populous and plentiful province, called Cayas. 

* This province is supposed to have been situated towards the sources of 
the St. Francis, or the hills of White River. — Vide Nuttall's Arkansas, p. 256. 



334 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



The cacique of Coligoa furnishing the Spaniards with a guide, 
they resumed their march, striking towards the south, and after a 
journey of five days, entered the province of Palisema. The 
cacique had fled, but had left his dwelling furnished and arranged 
in order for De Soto. The walls were hung with deer-skins, so 
admirably dyed and dressed, that they appeared to the eye like 
beautiful tapestry. The floor was likewise covered with similar 
fine skins.* 

They made but a short halt in this province, as the supply of 
maize was scanty, and, pushing onward rapidly, in four days 
crossed the frontiers of the province of Cayas, and encamped on 
the banks of a river near a village called Tanico.f 

The waters of this river, and of an adjacent lake, were 
impregnated with salt ; so much so, as to leave a deposit in 
the blue sand which bordered their shores. The Indians were 
accustomed to collect this sand in baskets, wide above and nar- 
row below, which were suspended in the air on a pole. Water 
was then poured upon the sand, and draining through it, fell into 
a vessel beneath, carrying with it the saline particles. The 
water was then evaporated by boiling, so as to leave the crystal- 
lized salt in the bottom of the pot. This the Indians used as an 
article of traflic, exchanging it with their neighbors for skins and 
mantles. 

The Spaniards were overjoyed at finding an article of which 
they were so much in need ; they remained eight days making 
salt, and several who had suffered excessively for the want of it, 
indulged in it so immoderately as to bring on maladies, and in 
some instances death. 

* Portuguese Relation, c. 25. 

f Supposed to have belonged to the tribe of the Tunicas. — Vide NuttalTs 
Arkansas, p. 257. 



INDIAN AMAZONS. 335 



Having laid in a large supply of salt, they pursued their 
journey, and arriving at the province of Tula, marched four days 
through a wilderness, when they halted about midday in a beau- 
tiful plain, within half a league of the principal village. In the 
afternoon, the governor set out with a strong party of horse and 
foot, to reconnoitre the village. It was seated in a plain betwixt 
two streams. On their approach, the inhabitants seized their 
arms and sallied bravely forth, the women rushing to combat as 
fiercely as the men. 

The Spaniards soon drove them back, and entered the village 
fighting. The savages fought from house top to house top, dis- 
daining to ask for quarter, and struggling desperately to the 
death. During the conflict, a soldier entered one of the houses 
and escaped to an upper chamber, which was used as a granary, 
where he found five women hid in one corner. He made signs 
to them not to be alarmed, as he did not wish to injure them : 
his caution was unnecessary, for they flew on him like so many 
mastiffs upon a bull. In his struggle to shake them off, he 
thrust his leg, unto the very thigh, through the slight floor of 
reeds, so that he remained seated on the floor, at the mercy of 
those furies, who, with biting and blows, were in a fair way of 
killing him. Notwithstanding the strait he was in, the sturdy 
soldier was ashamed to call for succor, because his antagonists 
were women. 

At this moment, another soldier happened to enter below, 
and seeing a naked leg dangling through the ceiling, at first 
thought it the limb of an Indian, and raised his sword to give it 
a sweeping blow, when, observing it more narrowly, and hearing 
the clamor over head, he suspected the truth of the matter, and 
calling two of his companions, they ascended to the rescue of 



336 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 

their comrade ; so fierce, however, was the fury of the women, 
that not one of them would quit her hold upon the soldier, until 
they were all slain. 

At a late hour the governor drew off his men from the village, 
and returned to the camp ; vexed at having been drawn into so 
unprofitable a battle, wherein so many of his followers were badly 
wounded.* 

* Portuguese Relation, c. 25, 26. Garcilaso de la Vega, Lib. iv. c. 12. 



CHAPTER LXXL 

WHAT THE SPANIARDS POUND IN THE VILLAGE OP TULA THE TRIBE 

OF TULA DIFFERED FROM ANY INDIANS THEY HAD SEEN THEY 

FALL SUDDENLY UPON THE ENCAMPMENT AT NIGHT THE PROWESS 

OF AN INDIAN, AND HIS FATE. 

1541. 

On the following day, the army entered the village, and found it 
abandoned. In the after part of the day, bands of horse scoured 
the country in every direction. They met several of the natives, 
but it was impossible to bring them in alive, or obtain any infor- 
mation from them. They threw themselves upon the ground, 
crying " Kill me or leave me !" nor could the death of some con- 
quer the obstinacy of the rest. 

In this village, the Spaniards found the flesh of buffaloes and 
numerous skins of the same animal ; some in their raw state, 
others dressed for robes and blankets. They sought in vain, 
however, to meet with the buffalo alive, but still learnt that they 
existed in great herds to the northward. The natives of the pro- 
vince of Tula differed from all the Indians they had yet seen. 
The others were handsome and well-formed, but these, both men 
and women, were extremely ill-favored Their heads were in- 
credibly large, and narrow at the top ; a shape produced by being 



888 CONQUEST OP KhoiMDA. 



compressed by bandages, from their birth until they were, nine or 
ben years of age. Their faces, particularly their lips, inside and 
out, were hideously tattooed , and their dispositions were in uni 
Hon witJi their dreadful aspects. 

On the fourth night that the Spaniards wen- in the tillage, 
the [ndians came in great numbers, and so silently, that before 
the sentinels perceived them, they burst upon the encampment in 
three different parts Loud wn<> the shouts, and great the con 
fusion; for, in the obscurity of the night, it was impossible to 
distinguish friends from foes. The Spaniards shouted the names 
of the Virgin and Santiago, to prevent their wounding one 
another. The savages, likewise, shouted the nameof Tula. Many 
of them, instead of I><»wh and arrows, had staves like pikes, two 
or three yards In length, which wore new to the soldiers, and with 
which they gave very severe Mows. 

Thus stubbornly they fought for more than an hour, and they 
did not retreat fco the woods until day began to dawn. The Span- 
iards <li<l not pursue them, but returned to the village to take 
care of the wounded, of which there won- many, although there 
were only four killed. 

After the battle, several of the Spaniards, as usual, were scat- 
tered about the field examining the dead. Three i'<><>i soldiers and 
i, wo on horseback were thus employed, when one of the former 
saw -'in [ndian raise Ins head from among the bushes and imme 
diately oonoeal it again. He gave theory of [ndians \ [ndians 1 
The two men on horseback, thinking some of the enemy were 
coming in force, galloped oil' in different directions to meet them. 
In Mi.' mean rime, the foot soldier who had discovered the [ndian 
among the bushes, ran up to ivill him. 



PIERCE UNGLE <:oyii:at. 



'I hi eeing he could not escape, stepped forth manful 

fy to the encounter, armed with a Spanish battle-axe, which be 
had gained that morning in fche tillage Taking if- in both hand i, 
he struck the shield of fche soldier, severed it in fcwo, and badly 
wounded his arm r n><- pain ot fche wound was so great and fche 
blow so riolent, that fche Spaniard bad not strength fco attacl 
his foe. The Indian then rushed upon fche other soldier who 

coming up, struct his shield id fche same manner, broke it in 
fcwain, wounded him likewise in fche arm, and disabled biin One 
of those on horse seeing his companions so roughly bandied, 
charged upon the [ndian, who took shelter under an o&k fcree 
The Spaniard, not being able fco ride undei fche fcree, drew near, 
and made several powerful fchrusts at fche [ndian, but could not 
reach fiim. The savage rushed out, brandished fche battle 
with both hands, struck fche horse acros fche shoulder, and laid it. 
open from fche withers fco the I o as fco deprive bim of fche 

power of moving 

At, this moment, Gonzalo Silvestre, who was on foot, came up 
He had been in no baste, deeming fcwo foot soldiers and three 
horsemen sufficient fco manage one [ndian The latter, elated by 
hi i luceees, advanced fco receive him with great boldness Grasp 
ing fche battle-axe in both hands, he gave ■> blow similar fco fche 
two first; but 8 e was more guarded fchan his companions 

The weapon glanced over fche shield and stuck in fche ground 

restre, having fche ' advantage, gave bim a diagonal 

blow with in.: sword, which laid open his face and breast- and en 
tering b nearly severed fche wrist. The infidel, seizing fche 

amp and bis other hand, with ade perate leap, 
made an attempt fco wound fche Spaniard in the faeej but Sil 

Id 



340 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



tre, again warding off the blow with his shield, gave him a sweep- 
ing cut across the waist, that passed through his naked body, and 
he fell dead, cut completely asunder.* 

* The Inca says that the blow was so powerful, and the sword so keen, 
that the Indian remained for a few seconds standing on his feet, and saying 
to the Spaniard, " Peace be with you," (quedate en pas,) fell dead iu two 
halves ! The feat, as told in the text, is sufficiently strong for belief. 



CHAPTER LXXII. 

THE ARMY ARRIVES AT UTIANGUE THE GOVERNOR DETERMINES TO 

WINTER THERE PREPARATIONS ACCORDINGLY DEATH OF JUAN 

ORTIZ, THE INTERPRETER. 

1541. 

The Spaniards sojourned in the village of Tula twenty days, 
curing the wounded. During this time, they made many incur- 
sions in different parts of the province. They found it very popu- 
lous ; but, although they captured many of the inhabitants, it was 
impossible, either by presents or menaces, to acquire their friend- 
ship, or to bring them into obedience. So extreme was the fero- 
city of this tribe, that they were the dread of all their neighbors, 
who used the name of Tula as an object of nursery terror to their 
unruly children. 

The army continued their march in quest of the province 
called Utiangue, or Autiamque ; about ten days' journey, or eighty 
leagues from Tula ; near which, the Indians said, there was a large 
lake, which the Spaniards hoped might prove an arm of the sea. 
Five days of their journey was over a rough, mountainous coun- 
try, closely wooded, where they found a village called Quipana ;* 
but could take none of the inhabitants, the forests impeding the 
speed of their horses. 

* Supposed to be in the country of the Kappaws, or Quapaws. 



342 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



After a further march of a few days they entered the province 
of Utiangue. It was very fertile, with a scattered but warlike 
population. They were harassed incessantly by ambuscades and 
skirmishes, but kept steadfastly on, until they reached the village 
of Utiangue, from which the province took its name. It contain- 
ed numerous well built houses, and was situated in a fine plain, 
watered by a wide running river, the same that passed through 
the province of Cayas.* It was bordered by meadows that afford- 
ed excellent pasturage for the horses. The town was abandoned 
by its inhabitants, excepting a few lingerers whom they made 
prisoners. The houses were well stocked with maize, small beans, 
nuts, and plums. 

As the season was far advanced, De Soto determined to win- 
ter here. He encamped in the centre of the village, but apart 
from the houses, lest the Indians should set fire to them in the 
night. He then set to work to fortify the place. The ground 
that was to be inclosed was measured out, and a portion assigned 
to each, according to the number of slaves he owned. Thus every 
one had his task, and worked with emulation, the Indians bring- 
ing the wood ; and in three days the village was surrounded by 
strong palisades, driven deep into the ground, and fastened by 
thwart pieces. 

In addition to the ample supply of provisions found in the 
village, the Spaniards foraged the surrounding country, which was 
very fertile, and brought in abundance of maize, dried fruits, and 
various kinds of grain. They were extremely successful, also, in 
the chase ; killing great quantities of venison. The province, 
moreover, abounded, to an unusual degree, with rabbits, of which 
they found two species ; one of the usual size, the other as large 

* Supposed to be the Arkansas. 






SEVERE WINTER. 343 



and strong as a hare, and much fatter. These the Indians were 
accustomed to snare with running nooses. 

The cacique of the province sent messengers from time to 
time, with presents, and promises of friendly service, but never 
made his appearance. His messengers, also, always came at 
night ; and, after delivering their message loitered about the camp, 
noticing the men, horses, and weapons, until it became evident 
they only came as spies. The governor, therefore, gave orders 
that no Indian messenger should be admitted at night ; and one, 
persisting to enter, was killed by a sentinel ; which put an end 
to all embassies of the kind. 

The Spaniards, however, were often waylaid and assaulted, 
when out on foraging or hunting parties, but gave good account 
of their assailants. 

The winter was severe, with great falls of snow. At one time 
the Spaniards were blocked up for upwards of a month, until at 
last firewood began to fail them. Upon this, De Soto turned 
out with all the horse, and, by riding backward and forward, 
made a track from the camp to a forest, about two bow-shots dis- 
tant. This enabled the men to go thither and cut fuel.* 

Upon the whole, though the weather was severe, yet, having 
good quarters, and fuel and food in abundance, the Spaniards 
passed the pleasantest winter they had experienced in the course 
of their expedition ; and enjoyed their present ease, and comfort, 
and abundance, with the greater zest, from the frightful hard- 
ships and disasters they had experienced. 

During their residence in this village, Juan Ortiz, the inter- 
preter, died. His death was a severe loss to the service ; as he 
had, throughout the expedition, served as the main organ of 

* Portuguese Narrative, e. 27. 



LX>NQ1 i m OF FLORIDA 



•.mnnieation between the Spaniards and the natiws I: is 
true, that, e\on with his assistaneo, those oommnnieations were 
, \ vmek imported, :uul snbjoot to m;r. 3 and misinter- 

pretations Juan Ot\ 9 MS ... .niainted merely with the lan- 
A the Indians in the neighborhood 

u S, in the niareh et* t' the\ were , ov.tinnalh pass 

.agh new pro\ nuvs. with &l -artioular tongue [t W*S 

ft, to ha\o an Inviian tYom aim. > qw 

w intevi . ,h rendered their mode et* eommnnieation 

..w vw.-.vl in the o\trom. 

In tre.. ..e, the w raw 

to Juao Or! was :'rom month to month et' perha-. 

or ten Indians, of dirt'erent tr. as, u\l the person 

; and the ropk was transmitted in the same te- 

■d to the - *»"| 

>:ant plaeo, had. : SIMM 

manner > - ... •..-...'..■.>:•.....•...< in the 

Hea< e :ive>, ...... - a S . - *s to the 

s inhabitants, i bewildered them in 

Vtless led to r 

i the v..-.: iyos « ... U i a other 

. Ort ..-....'.-...- . - ten- 

- - - but the 

M He, aon 

>ut an imperuvt kr.. -^ .. . . . N - and 

M in tin - ; - varied 

\ . . nu Oh 



CHAPTEB I. Will. 

QHANGE i\ rur \ir\vs \\m \-\ \\s op or SOTO nr n i; \s ins 
STEPS TOWARDS rur MISSISSIPPI I SOLBIfiB DROWNED IN IT 
TEMPTING [O CROSS a i \ur rur SPANIARDS PASS rHROUOH 
rur PROVINOE OP ANILC0 HOSTILE BEARING or rur CACIQUE 

— aki;i\ \i vr OUAOHOl \ 

The feelings and views of Hernando De Soto had rooontij an 
dergone a ohange, The anger whioh bad induced him so sud 
denlj to alter his plans at Mauvila, ami (urn bis baols abruptly 
on the son, bad gradually subsided, His hopes of finding r 
i^oKitMi region were fast Riding away, He had lust nearly half of 
liis tioops i>\ fighting ami hx sickness, and bj hardships of \ari 
ous kinds , the greater part of his horses boo, had been slam or 
luul perished ; o( the residue, mam were lame, and all had been 
without shoes fur above a year, for want of iron, He was dailj 
more ami more sensible, also, of the Loss in 1 bad sustained in the 
death of Juan Ortii, The young [ndian of Gofaohiqui, who suo 
oeeded him as interpreter, made oontinual blunders its t>> the m 
counts of the country, the rivers, routes, and distanoes, and there 

was danger, through his misinformation, that the army might h% 

led into difficulties, ami become perplexed ami lost in the v;ist 
ami traokless wilderness thej had to traverse 



MO OONQ1 EST OF l-l GRID A 



.v'vlv now did De Soto repent his having abandoned his 

,n:\l plan of joining his ships, and founding :> settlement in 

the lvn of kohusi n>' was too far from the set to attempt 

reaohing it now bj i direot march; but he resolved to give over 

ins wandering in the interior, and make the best of his waj to 

the Mississippi Here he would choose some suitable \ w on 

its banks Ebr a fortified post . establish himself there j build two 

brigantines, in which some of his m< frdential followers might 

descend the ^ earrj tidings of b \ to his * . and 

friends in Cuba, and procure reinforcements of men and horses, 

etlicv with docks, herds, seeds, and ever) tbing else necessary 

to i ' and secure the possession of f bo v.-ist and fertile 

■mv\ he had overrun * 

As soon ;>s the spring was sufficient^ advanced theref 
De Bote broke ap his ? t at Ut 

out ins on for the Rio Grande 01 Mississippi He had 

d intelligenoe ol \ I) ge called \ '. •. situated on :v 
i n i • • M ad to? ards that 

village he shaped '•• 

\ tngue^he 

Lyas - village situated on the same river wbieh 
. d b^ C yas and I In this tim< 

struoted, in^ they all passed the rivei but were detai 

four days on its banks l\\ snoi and bad w 
journey* rs throu| i ■ .■ \ . ... ap bj ™- 

nd perplexed with swamps tt « ling 

\ s to 1 - 

' S op* - i ■ 



PASSAGE OF THE K1YF.K Ml 



the stirrup, sometimes to the knees, in water, and now and then 
they were obliged to swim their horses 

At a town called Tultelpina. they were cheeked in their march 
by a lake, which emptied itself into a river. The waters were 
high and turbulent. De Soto ordered one of his captains to em 
bark in a oanoo with live men. and cross the lake. The impetuous 
Current overturned the frail bark : some men clung to it. others 
to the trees that were standing in the water; but one. Francisco 
Bastian, a Spaniard of rank, was unfortunately drowned. Pe 
Soto then sought to find a route along the borders of the lake, 
but in vain. At length, at the suggestion of two Indians of Tul- 
telpina, he caused light rafts <o be made of reeds, and the wood 
work of the houses, and in this way transported the army across.* 

Urging their way forward, the Spaniards now reached the pro- 
vince of Anilco, and penetrated about thirty leagues, passing 
several villages, until they reached the principal one. which gave 
its name to the province. It was situated in a champaign country, 
on the banks of a river, and contained about four hundred spacious 
houses, built round a square. The residence of the cacique, as 
usual, was posted on a high artificial mound. The country was 
so well peopled, that there were several other villages in sight, 
and there was such abundance of maize, of fruits, and pulse, of 
various kinds, that the Spaniards pronounced it the most fertile 
and populous country they had met with, excepting Coza and 

A>palachee 

On the approach of the Spaniards, the inhabitants made some 
show o( resistance, and skirmished slightly ; but it was only to 
cover the retreat o\' their wives and children across the river, on 
rafts and canoes. Some few were taken before they could embark 

* Portuguese Relatione 28 
15* 



348 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



Many more were found in the village, who had not been able to 
escape. 

Soon after the governor had taken up his quarters in the vil- 
lage, an Indian of distinction, attended by a few others, came to 
him, in the name of the cacique, with a present of a mantle of 
martin skins and a string of large pearls. De Soto gave the prin- 
cipal Indian of the embassy a collar of mother of pearl, and 
some other trinkets, with which he went away apparently well 
satisfied. The negotiation, which opened thus favorably, ended in 
nothing ; and the ambassadors proved to have been mere spies, 
sent to observe the force of the strangers. The cacique could 
not be induced to enter into friendly intercourse, treating all 
messengers sent to him with great haughtiness, and giving various 
signs of determined hostility. 

The river that ran by the village of Anilco was the same that 
passed by Cayas and Utiangue ; and De Soto was informed, that 
at no great distance it emptied itself into the Mississippi.* Near 
to the confluence of the two streams, he was told, there was sit- 
uated on the banks of the Mississippi a large village, called 
Gruachoya, the capital of a populous and fruitful province of the 
same name, the cacique of which was continually at war with the 
chief of Anilco. 

De Soto determined to proceed to this province, in hopes that 
the sea might lie at no great distance from it. At any rate, the 
village of Gruachoya might prove an advantageous site for the 
building of his brigantines, and the cantonment of his troops. 
As soon, therefore, as canoes could be procured, and rafts con- 
structed, to cross the river opposite the village of Anilco, the army 
resumed its march, over a hilly, uninhabited country, and in four 

* The river is supposed to be the Arkansas. 



FLIGHT OF THE INDIAN'S. 349 



days arrived at the village of Guachoya. It contained about three 
hundred houses, and was situated about a bow-shot from the Mis- 
sissippi, on two contiguous hills, with a small intervening plain, 
that served as a public square. The whole was fortified by pali- 
sades. The inhabitants had fled across the Mississippi in their 
canoes, taking with them most of their effects ; but Juan de 
Anasco foraged the neighborhood, and brought in a great supply 
of maize, beans, dried fruits, and cakes made of pressed plums, 
or persimmons. 



OH vrrn; i \\n 

5 S ' \ \ S S I 

w v.- p v.: v \ • , , \ x c\i '■ \ ■ LT 

P - '• 

"jo i\({\\ 
IP- i nv .» hunvP. I 9*1 

ami , : W & R$h ami d 

- 
hits into t :u»U 

••.-.>; Pv-.u ovular ^witho-. ,^.- 

•nont amowg lh<? 5? 
■• . 

«\wl the ^unvmulir 

mivtst of i ho i < mi hapr. 

hi*. »U his ;moiuta«t,< ho.uK o(hmuv) 



INW W iMWKMONlKtf ;; M 



aild OlOSOd tllOU .11111.'.. .111.1 Ul.llvlU;'. ,>(ll,"l SlgllS .'I \ . ' II ," I 1 I 1 1 M 1 , 

'•.lllll,",l tllC >M.'l,pl«" Wll ll \. Ill, Ml'. |>lll .1'.,' ■ ,'i ( ll,' :..ll)l,' puip.ni 
M.l\ ill," '1111 •",<!. llil \,Ml Ull\ ill,' :.UI1 1>," Willi \,M1 lll.l\ ill." .1111 

shine up, mi you defend \>'u pi,'.p,-i you "»,l il>'' like , Oftoh 

.Ult" lllii'l,",! ill," pIll.l'V (ll;ll .Mill." til - - 1 ((> 111111,1, .111.1 I.M ;l .'.ll.Ml 

time there was n universal murmuring ol these compliments " 

rii." Spaniards wore -.in pi i:.,',i to observe .itui'ii." ill,'.,' iH.i.' 

'■l\.l",'. ill," :. .1111," kill, I >>l ,V1 ,MI1,M1I.|I:. wlll.-ll \\.l>' ll:. >'.l >M1 Jill:. 

simple occasion 1>\ the most polished natives ol Kuropo mid the 

gO\ >'l 11, M I 11 Ml 111.' (,' hi'. ,'lll, VI :.. :..ll,l. : .11 1 I 1 I 1 1 •" 1 \ . \ ,MI ...'," ill," \\ . > I 1 . 1 

r >"\ .m\ whore < he sumo " 

The uHoioue ate at the governor's table His Indians remain 

r.l in :i( (,'11,1.111,,' .iu,l WOVlld U0t gO bO tlioil OWll i.'pi ; < Ulltll llO 

li.i.l finished .ill hough ropoatodh invited The} thou dined ii» 
tin' quarters, where u general repast whs provided The cacique 
lodged In n part of his owu dwelling with ft few ol hisown attend 
.nits , his warriors, at sunset crossing to the opposite ilde of 
ihc river and returning in fii* 1 morning This tho\ continued to 
do while <1k n Spaniards remained In the village 

One of ili<" first questions thai Do Soto had asked of the oa 
oiquo was, whethei he know mn thing ol the sen Uuaohoya, hov 
over, pi Hi. '•.'. rd utter ignorance «■! .ui\ such great bod\ < ( i watei , 
in., knowledge of the country down to the river^ did not extend 
beyond ••< great province called Quigualtanqul . tho cacique whore 
o\\ he said was the greatest ohioftain in all these parti 

The governor suspected his ignorance to be feigned, and ao 
oordingly dispatched Juan dc ^fiasco, with eight troopers, tc 
explore tho course of the river) and aioertain whether the sea was 
near I*- 1 /Vnasoo returned after eight days' ibsenoe, in all which 

( ; ii , il i ... ,1,- l.i \ ,'...i, p i I ill i . ] 



OONQT 31 OF ;LPA. 



time, ho had not been able to ad e fifteen leagues, 011 

ant of the . (rf the river, and the swamps and 

torrents with which it was bordered .* 

This information determined l\ 8 .-..• to build two bri. 

ttd to found his projected settlement I :hat 

•.d Anilco, in a fertile cour. - 3 . . . 

dement it was his intention to romaiu, until 
the . should return with re . - .ad supplier 

:o pursue these plans without mo', s 
imp Rw him to conciliate the friendship trf the cacique Anil- 

ad who would be enabled 
to render him mucd - ace, if an ally, and great anuovance, if 
an enemy. 

The cacique Guaohoy a, finding out something ol the gover 

inclinations d Ml him to return to the proviuce of Anilco, of - 

. .'ompany and aid him with his people. A> . .mid 

haw — . :hat ran by the viV. 

thiv :' into U . v . 5S sstppa, the eaoiqm s yply 

,1 uumerous small . oes . -. . - uld 

- - along the M lSS 5S to the mouth 
of the v.- . V \ up which they would - 

the win .. -..nee be &wa Mean- 

time the governor and cacique, with their fov..< « .aid piw 
bv lane -. - posite the vi". ae with 

the cam . 8 

Arrangements were made according'.) A> seou as th. 
we v. ir thousand Indian warriors embarked iu them, 

- with these, the . - a de 
•nan and his compauv, to have command ol the . 



A.TTAOK on AMI ,00. 



keep the Indians in order, Three days were allowed them for 
the voyage. 

At the same time that the oanoes departed, the governor set 
out by Land with his troops, accompanied b\ the oaoique, at the 
bead of two thousand warriors, beside those who earried provi 
sions 

The two expeditions arrived safely at the time appointed, 
opposite the village The oaoique oi' Aniloo was absent, but the 
inhabitants oi' the place made a stand at the pass oi' the river 
Nuflo Tobar toll furiously upon tluau with a part \ ofhorse Eager 
for the fight, tho\ oharged so heedlessly, that eaoh trooper found 
himself surrounded bj a baud of Indians. The poor savages, how 
ever, were so panic strioken, that thej turned their barks upon 
the village, and Bed in wild disorder to the forests, amid the 
shouts o( the pursuers, and tho shrieks and ories of the women 
and ohildren.* Quaohoya now gave full sway to his thirst for 
vengeance; for, in his whole allianoe with the Spaniards, and his 
advice to the general to revisit this provinoe, he had been aotu 
ated, like Gasquin, by a seoret desire to revenge himself upon an 
ancient enem j The provinoe of Anileo and that of Ghiaohoya 
were in continual hostility; but the former had, for some time, 

had the advantgo, and had brought oil' many I rephies gained in 

ambush, surprises, and midnight marauds; the mode in whioh the 
savages oarried on their warfare. 

On entering the oonquered village, the first thought oi' the 
warriors of Ghiaohoya, was t<> attaoh tho sepulchres of tin- oa 
oiques. Thej displaoed the heads of their oountrymen stuok up 

round the gate, replacing them with those oi' the eueut\ They 
stripped tin 1 Sepulchre oi' all tho trophies, of sealps, and banners, 

Portuguese Narrative, o, 29, 



354 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



taken from the nation in battle ; carried off' all the relics and or- 
naments of the dead, threw down their coffins, and scattered about 
their bones, as had been done on a former occasion. Then, rang- 
ing through the village, they massacred all they met, being chiefly 
old men, women and children, inflicting the most horrible bar- 
barities. 

In all this they acted in such fury and haste, that the mis- 
chief was effected almost before De Soto was aware of it. He 
put an end to the carnage as speedily as possible ; reprimanded 
the cacique severely, forbade any one to set fire to a house, or in- 
jure an Indian, under pain of death, and hastened to leave the 
village ; taking care that the Indian allies should be the first to 
pass the river, and none remain behind to do mischief. 

His precautions were all ineffectual. He had scarce dis- 
embarked and marched a league, when, on looking back, he saw a 
great smoke arising from the village, and found that several of 
the houses were in flames. In fact, the warriors of Gruachoya, 
being deterred from open hostility, had secretly placed coals 
among the straw roofs of the houses. These, being parched with 
the summer heat, easily took fire, and sprang into a blaze. 

The governor would have returned to extinguish the flames, 
but at this instant he saw many Indians of the neighborhood run- 
ning towards the village ; so, leaving it to their care, he continued 
his march, deeply annoyed at having his friendly intentions to- 
wards Anilco thus defeated, but concealing his anger, lest he 
should likewise make an enemy of his crafty ally.* 

* Garcilaso de la Vega, P. i. Lib. v. c. 6. Herrera, Decad vii. Lib. vii. 
c. 3. 



CHAPTER LXXV. 

DIFFICULTIES WITH THE CACIQUE OF QUIGUALTANQUI ILLNESS AND 

DEATH OF DE SOTO. 

On taking up his quarters again in the village of Guachoya, the 
governor set to work, with his usual energy and perseverance, to 
construct the two brigantines. He ordered the necessary timber 
to be cut ; collected all the ropes and cordage that he could find 
in the village or the neighborhood, to serve for rigging ; employed 
the Indians to gather for him rosin and gums from pines and 
other trees ; and caused all the spikes and nails saved from the 
old piraguas, put in order, and an additional quantity made. He 
had already, in his own mind, selected from among his most faith- 
ful and trusty followers, the officers and men who were to embark 
in the expedition ; with the residue of his army, amounting to 
about five hundred men and fifty horses, he intended to await 
their return. While, therefore, he urged the building of the brig- 
antines, he cast his eyes about in search of some plentiful region, 
where he could be sure of subsistence for his army, during the 
absence of the envoys. 

Having heard much concerning the fertility of the great pro- 
vince already mentioned, named Quigualtanqui, which lay on the 
opposite side of the Mississippi, he sent a party of horse and foot 
to explore it. The river here was about a mile in width, seven- 



356 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



teen fathoms deep, and very rapid ; having both shores thickly 
inhabited.* Collecting all the canoes of the village, and fasten- 
ing the larger ones two and two together, he caused the horses to 
be passed over in them, while the infantry crossed on the others. 
They scoured the province of Quigualtanqui, and visited many 
hamlets, and especially the principal one, immediately opposite 
to Gruachoya, containing five hundred houses. Every where, how- 
ever, the habitations were deserted ; the inhabitants having fled, 
or hid themselves. The scouting party, therefore, returned, with- 
out having effected any thing, but with glowing accounts of the 
fertility and evident populousness of the province. 

These favorable reports determined De Soto to cross the river 
with his troops, as soon as the brigantines should be dispatched, 
and to establish his head-quarters in the chief town of Quigual- 
tanqui ; there to pass the summer and winter that must intervene 
before the return of his envoys. 

To his infinite chagrin, however, a violent hostility was mani- 
fested on the part of the cacique Quigualtanqui. That chieftain, 
who was of a haughty character and of great power, was extremely 
tenacious of his territorial sway. He was incensed at the inroad 
of the Spanish scouting party, and sent messengers to De Soto, 
swearing by the sun and moon, to wage a war of extermination 
on him and his people, should any of them dare again to put foot 
within his boundaries.! 

At an earlier date a message of this kind would have been 
answered by De Soto by an inroad into the cacique's dominions ; 
but his spirits were gradually failing him. He had brooded over 
his past error, in abandoning the sea-coast, until he was sick at 

* Portuguese Relation, c. 29. 

| Alonzo de Carmona. — Garcilaso de la Vega.. P. i. Lib. v. c. 6. 



REPLY OF THE CACIQUE. 357 



heart ; and as he saw the perils of his situation increasing, new 
and powerful enemies continually springing up around him, while 
his scanty force was daily diminishing, he became anxious for 
the preservation of the residue of his followers, and to avoid all 
further warfare. He sent an Indian messenger, therefore, to the 
chieftain, inviting him to friendship. He availed himself of an 
Indian superstition with respect to himself, and informed the 
chieftain that he was the son of the sun ; the luminary which the 
natives professed to worship. That, as such, he had received the 
homage of the caciques of all the provinces through which he 
had passed. He invited Quigualtanqui to come and pay him like 
reverence ; promising to take him into especial favor, and to reward 
him with inestimable gifts. 

In the mean time, the melancholy which had long preyed upon 
the spirits of De Soto, the incessant anxiety of mind and fatigue 
of body, added perhaps to the influence of climate, brought on 
a slow fever, which at length confined him to his bed. 

In the midst of his illness, he received a reply, by his own 
messenger, from Quigualtanqui. That haughty cacique observed 
that if what he pretended were true, and he was really the son of 
the sun, he might prove the fact, by drying up the great river ; 
in which case he should be ready to come over and pay him ho- 
mage. If he could not do so, he must know that Quigualtanqui, 
being the greatest chieftain in the land, visited nobody ; but re- 
ceived visits and tributes from all. If, therefore, he wished to 
see him, he must cross the river to his country. If he came as a 
friend, he should be received as such ; if as an enemy, he would 
find him and his men ready for battle, and resolved never to yield 
an inch of ground.* 

* Portuguese Relation, c. 29. 



358 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



This taunting reply vexed the spirit of De Soto, and aug- 
mented his malady. It was still more irritated by the information 
that the cacique was endeavoring to form a league of all the 
neighboring chieftains against him ; and he dreaded that some 
new disasters might occur to delay if not defeat his plans. From 
his sick bed, however, he maintained his usual vigilance for the 
safety of his army. The sentinels were doubled, and a rigid 
watch maintained. Each night the cavalry mounted guard in the 
suburbs of the village, with bridle in hand, ready for action ; while 
two troopers were constantly upon the patrol, alternately visiting 
the outposts, and detachments of cross-bow men kept watch upon 
the river in canoes.* 

The schemes and labors and anxieties of De Soto, however, 
were rapidly drawing to a close ; day by day his malady increased 
upon him, and his fever rose to such a height, that he felt con- 
vinced his last hour was at hand. He prepared for death with 
the steadfastness of a soldier, and all accounts agree, with the 
piety of a devout Catholic. 

He made his will almost in cipher, for want of sufficient 
paper : then calling together the officers and soldiers of most note, 
he nominated, as his successor to the titles and commands of 
governor and captain general of the kingdom and provinces of 
Florida, Luis de Moscoso de Alvarado : the same, whom, in the 
province of Chicaza. he had deposed from the office of master of 
the camp ; and he charged them, on the part of the emperor, and 
in consideration of the qualities and virtues of Luis cle Moscoso, 
to obey him in the above capacities, until other orders should be 
received from government. To all this he required them to take 
an oath with due form and solemnity. 

* Portuguese Relation, c. 29. 



DEATH OF DE SOTO. 359 



When this was done, the dying chieftain called to him, by two 
and two, and three and three, the most noble of his army, and 
after them he ordered that the soldiery should enter, twenty and 
twenty, and thirty and thirty, and of all of them he took his last 
farewell, with great tenderness on his own part, and many tears 
on theirs. He charged them to convert the natives to the Catholic 
faith, and to augment the power of the crown of Spain, being him- 
self cut off by death from the accomplishment of these great aims. 
He thanked them for the affection and fidelity which they had 
evinced, in fearlessly following his fortunes through such great 
trials, and expressed his deep regret that it was not in his power to 
show his gratitude, by rewards such as they merited. He begged 
the forgiveness of all whom he had offended, and finally, entreated 
them, in the most affectionate manner, to be peaceful and loving 
to one another. His fever raged violently, and continued to in- 
crease until the seventh day, when, having confessed his sins with 
much humility and contrition, he expired.* 

Thus died Hernando De Soto ; one of the boldest and the 
bravest of the many brave leaders who figured in the first dis- 
coveries, and distinguished themselves in the wild warfare of the 
Western World. How proud and promising had been the com- 
mencement of his career ! how humble and hapless its close ! 
Cut off in the very vigor and manhood of his days, for he was 

* " He died," said the Inca G-arcilaso de la Vega, in his Chronicle, " like 
a Catholic Christian, imploring mercy of the most Holy Trinity ; relying on. 
the protection of the blood of Jesus Christ our Lord, and the intercession of 
the Virgin, and of all the Celestial Court, and in the faith of the Roman 
Church. 

" With these words, repeating them many times, resigned his soul to God 
this magnanimous, and never-conquered cavalier, worthy of great dignities 
and titles, and deserving a better historian than a rude Indian." 



380 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



but forty-two years old when he expired ; perishing in a strange 
and savage land, amid the din and tumult of a camp, and with 
merely a few rough soldiers to attend him ; for nearly all were 
engaged in the preparations making for their escape in this peril- 
ous situation. 

Hernando De Soto was well calculated to command the inde- 
pendent and chivalric spirits of which his army was composed ; 
for, while his ideas of military discipline were very strict, and he 
punished every breach of military duty, all other offences he 
easily pardoned. No one was more prompt to notice and reward 
all soldier-like merit. He is said to have been courteous and en- 
gaging in his manners, patient and persevering under difficulties, 
encouraging his followers by his quiet endurance of suffering. In 
his own person, he was valiant in the extreme, and of such vigor 
of arm, that wherever he passed in battle, he is said to have hewn 
himself a lane through the thickest of the enemy. Some of his 
biographers have accused him of cruelty towards the poor In- 
dians ; but, according to the Inca's account, we find him, in gen- 
eral, humane and merciful ; striving to conciliate the natives by 
presents and kind messages, and only resorting to violent means 
where the safety of himself and followers were at stake. A strik- 
ing contrast to his humanity, in this respect, will be presented in 
the conduct of his successor, Luis de Moscoso. 



CHAPTER LXXVJ. 

THE BURIAL OF DE SOTO THE CACIQUE SENDS TWO YOUNG INDIANS 

TO BE SACRIFICED TO HIS MANES WHAT LUIS DE MOSCOSO SAID 

IN REPLY DISPOSAL OF THE GOVERNOR'S EFFECTS. 

1542. 

The death of the governor left his followers overwhelmed with 
grief: they felt as if made orphans by his; loss, for they looked 
up to him as a father : and they sorrowed the more, because they 
could not give him a proper sepulture, nor perform the solemn 
obsequies due to the remains of a captain and commander so 
much beloved and honored. 

They feared to bury him publicly, and with becoming cere- 
monials, lest the Indians should discover the place of his inter- 
ment, and should outrage and insult his remains, as they had 
done those of other Spaniards : tearing them from their graves, 
dismembering them, and hanging them piecemeal from the trees 
If they had shown such indignities to the bodies of the common 
soldiers, how much greater would they inflict upon that of their 
governor and commander ! Besides, De Soto had impressed them 
with a very exalted opinion of his prudence and valor ; and the 
Spaniards, therefore, dreaded, lest finding out the death of their 
leader, they might be induced to revolt, and fall upon their hand- 
ful of troops/ 

* Portuguese Relation, ft 80. 



362 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



For these reasons, they buried him in the dead of night, with 
sentinels posted to keep the natives at a distance, that the sad 
ceremony might be safe from the observation of their spies. The 
place chosen for his sepulture, was one of many pits, broad and 
deep, in a plain, near to the village, from whence the Indians had 
taken earth for their buildings. Here he was interred, in silence 
and in secret, with many tears of the priests and cavaliers, who 
were present at his mournful obsequies. The better to deceive 
the Indians, and prevent their suspecting the place of his inter- 
ment, they gave out, on the following day, that the governor was 
recovering from his malady, and, mounting their horses, they as- 
sumed an appearance of rejoicing. That all traces of the grave 
might be lost, they caused mueh water to be sprinkled over it, 
and upon the surrounding plain, as if to prevent the dust being- 
raised by their horses. They then scoured the plain, and gallop- 
ed about the pits, and over the very grave of their commander ; 
but it was difficult, under this cover of pretended gayety, to con- 
ceal the real sadness of their hearts. 

With all these precautions, they soon found out that the In- 
dians suspected, not only the death of the governor, but the place 
where he lay buried ; for, in passing by the pits they would stop, 
look round attentively on all sides, talk with one another, and 
make sign with their chins and their eyes toward the spot where 
the body was interred. 

The Spaniards perceiving this, and feeling assured that the 
Indians would search the whole plain until they found the body, 
determined to disinter it, and place it where it would be secure 
from molestation. No place appeared better suited to the pur- 
pose than the Mississippi ; but first they wished to ascertain 
whether there was sufficient depth to hide the body effectually. 



BURIAL OF DE SOTO. 363 



Accordingly, Juan de Anasco, and other officers, taking with 
them a mariner, embarked one evening in a canoe, under the pre- 
tence of fishing and amusing themselves ; and, sounding the river 
where it was a quarter of a league wide, they found, in the mid- 
channel, a depth of nineteen fathoms. Here, therefore, they* de- 
termined to deposit the body. 

As there was no stone in the neighborhood wherewith to sink 
it, they cut down an evergreen oak, and made an excavation in one 
side, of the size of a man. On the following night, with all the 
silence possible, they disinterred the body, and placed it in the 
trunk of the oak, nailing planks over the aperture. The rustic 
coffin was then conveyed to the centre of the river. The hooded 
priests and steel-clad cavaliers gathered round the remains of the 
chief who had led them through all their perilous wanderings, and 
at the still hour of midnight they committed the body to the 
stream, watching it sink to the bottom through scalding tears, 
and commending anew the soul of the good cavalier to Heaven, 
they sadly worked their way back to the shore. " The discoverer 
of the Mississippi slept beneath its waters. He had crossed a 
large part of the continent in search of gold, and found nothing 
so remarkable as his burial place."* 

The Indians, soon perceiving that the governor was not with 
the army, nor buried, as they had supposed, demanded of the 
Spaniards where he was. The general reply prepared for the oc- 
casion, was, that God had sent for him, to communicate to him 
great things, which he was commanded to perform, as soon as he 
should return to earth. With this answer, the Indians remained 
apparently content.f 

* Gl-arcilaso de la Vega, P. i. Lib. iv. c. 8. 

f Alonzo de Carmona and Juan Coles. Garcilaso de la Vega, P. i. Lib. v. 
c. 8. 16 



364 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



The cacique, however, who believed him to be dead, sent two 
handsome young Indians to Moscoso, with the message, that it 
was the custom of his country, when any great prince died, to put 
to death some persons to attend him, and serve him on his journey 
to the land of spirits ; and for that purpose, these young men 
presented themselves. Luis dc Moscoso replied, that the gover- 
nor was not dead, but gone to heaven, and had chosen some of his 
Christian followers to attend him there ; he therefore prayed Gua- 
choya to receive again the two Indian youths, and to renounce so 
barbarous a custom for the future. He accordingly set the In- 
dians at liberty on the spot, and ordered them to return to their 
homes ; but one of them refused to go, saying that he would not 
serve a master who had condemned him to death without a cause, 
but would ever follow one who had saved his life.* 

De Soto's effects, consisting in all of two slaves, three horses, 
and seven hundred swine, were disposed of at public sale. The 
slaves and horses were sold for three thousand crowns each ; the 
money to be paid by the purchaser on the first discovery of any 
gold or silver mines, or as soon as he should be proprietor of a 
plantation in Florida. Should neither of these events come to 
pass, the buyer pledged himself to pay the money within a year. 
The swine were sold in like manner, at two hundred crowns 
apiece. Henceforth, the greater number of the soldiers possessed 
this desirable article of food, which they ate of on all days save 
Fridays, Saturdays, and the eves of festivals, which they rigidly 
observed, according to the customs of the Roman Catholics. This 
abstinence they were not able to practise before, as they were fre- 
quently without meat for two or three months together, and 
when they found any, were glad to devour it, without regard to 

days.f 

* Portuguese Relation, c. 80. f Ibid, 



CHAPTER LXXVII. 

THE SPANIARDS, UNDER THE COMMAND OP LUIS DE MOSCOSO, COM- 
MENCE THEIR MARCH TO THE WESTWARD ARRIVAL AT THE 

PROVINCE OP CHAGU-ATEj WHERE THEY FIND SALT. 

1542. 

After their first grief for the loss of their illustrious commander, 
many in the army began to doubt whether it was really a calam- 
ity. Some even thought it matter of rejoicing ; for many of the 
officers and soldiers had long been disheartened and discontented 
by their toils and sufferings, and the disappointment of their ex- 
pectations of golden spoils. Nothing but their respect for De 
Soto, and the sway he maintained over them, had prevented their 
abandoning so disastrous a country. They were now in hopes 
that the new governor, who was devoutly inclined, would choose 
rather to seek rest and repose in some Christian land, than to 
follow out the schemes of De Soto. 

Luis de Moscoso immediately called a council, to deliberate; 
upon what was to be done ; and it was determined, by the com- 
mon consent of the leading men, to leave their present position 
as soon as possible. Moscoso requested eacK officer to hand in 
his written opinion, whether they should follow the course of the 
river, or strike across the country to the westward. 



366 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



Juan de Anasco. the contador, was for carrying out the views 
and plans of De Soto. He not only opposed the idea of sudden- 
ly abandoning the country, but offered to guide the army in a 
brief space of time, to the frontiers of Mexico : for he piqued 
himself upon his knowledge of geography, and presumed by its 
aid to deliver his comrades out of all their difficulties. 

The proposition of Afiasco derived support from the recollec- 
tion of certain rumors which the Indians had brought, some 
months before, that not far to the westward, there were other 
Spaniards, who were going about conquering the country. These 
rumors, being brought to mind, were now adopted as truths ; and 
it was concluded that those Spaniards to the westward must have 
sallied forth from Mexico, to conquer new kingdoms ; and as, ac- 
cording to the account of the Indians, they could not be far dis- 
tant, it was determined to march with all speed in that direction, 
and join them in their career of conquest. 

On the fourth or fifth of June the army set out on its march, 
under the command of its new governor and captain-general, 
Luis de Moscoso ; directing its course westward, determining to 
turn neither to the right nor the left. By keeping in that di- 
rection, they supposed that they must arrive at the confines of 
Mexico : not perceiving that, according to their geography, they 
were in a much higher latitude than that of New Spain. 

A young Indian, sixteen or seventeen years of age, finely 
formed and handsome in countenance, followed the Spaniards of 
his own accord, when they left this province. The circumstance 
was mentioned to Luis de Moscoso, from a suspicion that he 
might prove to be a spy. The general ordered the stripling to 
be brought before him, and, through his interpreters, demanded 
the cause of his leaving his parents, his relations and friends, to 



CUSTOM OF BURYING ALIVE. 367 



follow a people whom lie did not know? " Senior," replied he, 
a I am poor, and an orphan ; my parents died when I was very 
young, and left me destitute. An Indian chief of my native 
village, a near relative of the cacique, took compassion on me, led 
me to his home, and brought me up among his children. When 
you left the village, he was grievously sick, and his life was des- 
paired of. His wife and children determined that, in case he 
should die, I should he buried with him alive ; because, they said, 
that my master had cherished an dtenderly loved me, and that I 
must therefore go along with him to serve him in the world whither 
he had gone. Now, although I am deeply grateful to him for 
having sheltered and fostered me, and love his memory, yet I 
have no desire to share his grave. Seeing no other way to escape 
this death, but by going with the strangers, I preferred being 
their slave to being buried alive. This, and this alone, is the 
cause of my coming."* 

The Spaniards perceived, by this and the instance already 
mentioned, that the superstitious custom of burying alive the 
wives and servants with the dead body of the master, was ob- 
served in this country, as in all the other regions yet discovered 
in the new world. 

After leaving Guachoya, the Spaniards passed through the 
province of Catalte ; then across a desert country, to another 
province called Chaguate, where they arrived on the twentieth of 
June. The cacique had already visited the Spaniards, during 
the lifetime of De Soto, when quartered at Utiangue, and now 
resumed a friendly intercourse. Near the chief village of this 
province they found the Indians busily employed in making salt, 
at a saline spring like a fountain-head. Here the troops re- 

* Garcilaso de la Vega, Lib. v. Part ii. c. 2. 



368 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



mained six days, supplying themselves with this necessary article. 
They then continued their march westward, in quest of the prov- 
ince of Aguacay, which they were told lay at the distance of three 
days' journey. 



CHAPTER LXXVIII. 

DISAPPEARANCE OF DIEGO DE GUZMAN CAUSE OF HIS DESERTION. 

1542. 

On the second day of their march, the governor was informed 
that one of their number, named Diego de Guzman, was missing. 
He immediately ordered a halt, and entered into a diligent inves- 
tigation of the matter ; apprehending that G-uzman might have 
been been detained or murdered by the Indians. 

This Diego de G-uzman was one of the many young Spanish 
cavaliers, who had joined this expedition with romantic notions 
of conquest, and glory, and golden gain. He was of a good family, 
and rich, and enlisted in the enterprise in brilliant style ; with 
costly raiment, splendid armor and weapons, and three fine horses. 
Unluckily, he was passionately fond of play, and had but too fre- 
quent opportunities of indulging in it ; for the Spaniards passed 
much of their leisure time in their encampments in gambling, as is 
usual with soldiery, and especially with young hap-hazard adven- 
turers, such as formed a great part of this band of discoverers. 

In the conflagration of Mauvila, all their cards were burned ; 
but they made others of parchment, painted with admirable skill ; 
and, as they could not make a sufficient supply for the number of 
gamesters, the packs went the rounds, and were lent from one to 



370 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA, 



the other for limited times. With these they gambled under the 
trees, in their wigwams, or on the river banks; or wherever they 
might have any idle hours to while away, 

Diego de Guzman was one of the keenest ; but a run of ill-luck 
had gradually stripped him of all that he had brought to the 
army, or captured on the march ; and but four days before the 
march, he had lost his clothes, his arms, a horse, and a female cap- 
tive, recently taken in the course of a foray. De Guzman had 
honorably paid all his losses, until it came to his captive, but here 
there was a struggle between pride and affection The girl was 
but eighteen years of age, and extremely beautiful ; so that he 

-r 

had conceived a passion for her. He had put off the winner, 
therefore, with the assurance that he would give her up to him in 
the course of four or five days. De Guzman had been seen in 
the camp the day before the march : he was now missing, and the 
girl had disappeared likewise. On hearing all these circumstances^ 
the governor concluded that, ashamed of having lost his arms and 
steed, and unwilling to give up his Indian beauty, he had escaped 
with her to her people. He was confirmed in this suspicion, on 
hearing that the female was the daughter of the cacique of Cha- 
guate. 

The general now summoned before him four chiefs of the 
province, who were among his escort, and ordered them to cause 
the Spaniard who had deserted to be sought out and brought to 
the camp; telling them, that unless he was produced, he should 
conclude that he had been treacherously murdered, and should 
revenge his death. 

The chiefs, terrified for their own safety, sent messengers in 
all speed. They returned with the account that De Guzman was 
with the cacique, who was feasting him and treating him with all 



ABSENCE OF DE GUZMAK 371 



possible kindness and distinction, and that he could not be pre- 
vailed upon to return to the army. 

The governor refused all credit to this story, and persisted 
in his surmises that De Guzman had been murdered. Upon this, 
one of the chiefs turned to the governor with a proud and lofty 
air. " We are not men," said he, " who would tell you falsehoods. 
If you doubt the truth of what the messengers have said, send 
one of us four to bring you some testimonial of the fact ; and if 
he bring not back the Spaniard, or some satisfactory proof that 
he is alive and well, the three of us that remain in your hands 
will answer for his loss with our lives." 

The proposition pleased the governor and his officers ; and, 
after consultation, Baltazar de Gallegos, who was a friend and 
townsman of De Guzman, was instructed to write to him, con- 
demning the step he had taken, and exhorting him to return and 
perform his duty as became a cavalier ; assuring him that his 
horse and arms should be restored to him, and others given to 
him in case of need. An accompanying message was sent to the 
cacique, threatening him with fire and sword unless he delivered 
up the fugitive. 

The following day the messenger returned, bringing back the 
letter of Gallegos, with the name of De Guzman written upon it 
in charcoal ; a proof that he was alive. He sent not a word, how- 
ever, in reply to the contents of the letter ; and the messenger 
said that he had no intention nor wish to rejoin the army. 

The cacique, on his own part, sent word, assuring the governor 
that he had used no force to detain Diego de Guzman in his ter- 
ritories, nor should he use any to compel him to depart ; but 
rather, as a son-in-law who had restored to him a beloved daughter, 

he would treat him with all possible honor and kindness, and 

16* 



S12 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



would do the same to any of the strangers who chose to remain 
with him. If, for having done his duty in this matter, the gover- 
nor thought proper to lay waste his lands and destroy his people, 
he had the power in his hands, and could do as he pleased.* 

The governor, seeing that Diego de Guzman would not return, 
and feeling that the cacique was justifiable in not delivering him 
up, abandoned all further attempt to recover him, and set the 
Indian chiefs at liberty, who continued, however, to atend him 
until he reached the frontier. 

* Garcilaso de la Vega, P. i. Lib. v. c. 2. 



CHAPTER LXXIX. 

THE ARMY ARRIVES AT NAGUATEX A SEVERE BRUSH WITH THE 

NATIVES IMMINENT PERIL OP TWO TROOPERS AND FOUR FOOT- 
SOLDIERS SEVERE TREATMENT OF THE INDIAN CAPTIVES IN- 
TERVIEW BETWEEN THE CACIQUE NAGUATEX AND MOSCOSO THE 

SPANIARDS PERPLEXED BY A PHENOMENON. 

1542. 

The next province traversed by the Spaniards was named Agua- 
cay, and abounded with salt ; they encamped one evening on the 
borders of a lake, the waters of which were strongly impregnated 
with it. The Indians formed the salt into small cakes, by means 
of earthen moulds, and used it as an article of traffic. At the 
chief village of the province, the Spaniards fancied, from the re- 
plies of the inhabitants to their questions, that they had some 
knowledge of the South Sea ; but it is probable they were de- 
ceived by the blunders of their interpreters. 

After leaving Aguacay, they crossed the province of Maye, 
and on the twentieth of July encamped beside a pleasant wood, 
on the confines of the province of Naguatex. They had scarce 
come to a halt, when a body of Indians were observed hovering 
at a distance. A party of horse immediately sallied forth, and 
dashing into the midst of them, killed six, and brought two 
prisoners to the camp. They confessed that they were a scout- 
ing party, sent by the cacique to reconnoitre the strangers, and 



376 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



The Spaniards, perplexed at this phenomenon, and little ac- 
quainted with the great extent of these rivers, and the sudden 
effects of rain among the distant mountains and extensive 
prairies where they take their rise, surmised that the swellings, 
during the waxing of the moon, might be caused by the influx 
of the sea into the river, although none of the Indians had any 
knowledge of the sea. 

At the end of eight days the river had subsided sufficiently 
to be fordable ; the army then crossed ; but, on coming to the 
town of the cacique, found it abandoned. The governor en- 
camped in the open fields, and sent for the cacique to come to 
him and furnish him with a guide. Naguatex, however, was 
afraid to venture to the camp. Upon this the ire of Moscoso 
was again kindled, and he sent out two captains with troops of 
horse, to burn down the villages and make captives of the 
inhabitants. The country was soon wrapped in smoke and flame, 
and several Indians were captured. The cacique was again 
brought to terms, and sent several of his principal people as hos- 
tages, and three guides who understood the language of the 
countries the Spaniards were to march through. The governor 
was once more pacified, and set forward on his western march. 
Such were the rough circumstances that attended the sojourn of 
the Spaniards in the province of Naguatex.* 

* The name of this province is spelled in the same manner (Naguatex) 
both in the Spanish and Portuguese narrations. It has been identified with 
Nachitoches, by some modern writers, who suppose the village of the cacique 
to have stood on the site of the present town of that name. It appears to 
the author, however, that the modern Nachitoches lies to the south of the 
route of Moscoso, though it may have been called after the old Indian village, 
situated more to the northward. It is almost impossible to identify any of 
the places visited by the Spaniards in their wild wanderings west of the 
Mississippi. 



CHAPTER LXXX. 

VAGUE TIDINGS OF EUROPEANS TO THE WEST WANDERING IN A 

WILDERNESS TREACHERY OF AN OLD INDIAN GUIDE, AND HIS 

FATE THE HUNTING GROUNDS OF THE FAR WEST. 

1542. 

The army now pressed forward, by forced marches, more than a 
hundred leagues, through various provinces, more or less popu- 
lous and fertile ; but some of them extremely barren, and almost 
uninhabited. The Portuguese narrator of the expedition gives 
the names of some of these provinces, such as Missobone, La- 
cane, Mandacao, Socatino, and G-uasco. In one of the provinces, 
they observed wooden crosses placed on the tops of the houses, 
and were struck with the sight of this Christian emblem. They 
began to flatter themselves that they were approaching the con- 
fines of New Spain, and made incessant inquiries, in every pro- 
vince that they entered, whether the inhabitants knew any thing 
of Christian people to the west. Where all intelligence had to 
pass from mouth to mouth, through several interpreters, in- 
differently acquainted with each other's language, and finally to 
be communicated by an Indian lad, who was but moderately 
versed in Spanish, it is easy to perceive what vague and erroneous 
ideas must be imparted. Some of the natives, it is probable, 
wilfully deceived the Spaniards ; others misunderstood the kind 



318 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



of people about whom they were inquiring. In this way they re- 
ceived tidings, as they thought, of Europeans that had been seen 
farther to the west ; and whom they persuaded themselves were 
parties of discoverers, making incursions from New Spain. 
They brightened up with the hopes of meeting with some narty 
of the kind, or, at any rate, coming to regions subjugated and 
colonized by their countrymen, where they would no longer be 
in danger of perishing in a trackless wilderness, but might 
choose either to abide securely in the new world, or return to 
their native country. 

Thus they went on, from place to place, lured by false hopes 
and idle tales. When they reached places where they had been 
assured they would come upon the traces of white men, the in- 
habitants declared their utter ignorance of any people of the 
kind. In the transports of vexation and disappointment, Mos- 
coso would order the poor savages to be put to the rack. This 
only served to extort from them false replies, suited to his 
wishes, but which led him and his army to farther unprofitable 
wandering and additional disappointment.* 

Moscoso and his followers, moreover, suffered extremely for 
the want of intelligent and faithful guides. Sometimes they erred 
from misinterpretation of the routes ; at other times, they were 
purposely led astray. When they had journeyed far to the west, 
they came to a vast uninhabited region, where they wandered for 
many days, until their provisions were exhausted, and they had 
nothing to appease their hunger but herbs and roots. To their 
great dismay, also, they found that an old Indian warrior, who 
had been furnished by a cacique as a guide, was leading them in 
a circle, heading from time to time to different points of the com- 

* Garcilaso de la Vega, Lib. v. P. i. c. 2. 



CRUEL REVENGE. 379 



pass. Upon this, Moscoso, suspecting his fidelity, ordered him to 
be tied to a tree, and the dogs to be let loose upon him. One of 
them sprang upon him instantly, and began to shake him. The 
Indian, in his terror, confessed that he had been ordered by his 
cacique to bewilder and lose them in uninhabited deserts, but 
offered to take them, in three days, to a populous country to the 
west. Moscoso, however, listening only to his indignation at this 
treachery, again ordered the dogs to be let loose, who, ravenous 
with hunger, tore the unfortunate wretch to pieces. 

Having in this shocking manner gratified their passion, the 
Spaniards found themselves worse off than before, for they had 
no one to guide them, having given permission to the other Indians, 
who had brought the supplies, to return home. In this dilem- 
ma, they followed the directions of their victim, by marching 
directly westward ; thus giving credit, after his death, to what 
they disbelieved while he was living. 

They travelled three days, suffering excessively for want of 
food. Fortunately the forests were clear and open ; had they 
been so dense as those through which they had formerly passed, 
they would have perished with hunger before they could make 
their way through them. They journeyed always to the west- 
ward, and at the end of three days descried, from a rising ground, 
the signs of human habitations. The inhabitants, however, fled 
to the woods on their approach, and they found the country meagre 
and sterile. The villages differed from the past, the houses being 
scattered about the fields in groups of four and five, rudely con- 
structed, and resembling the hovels erected in melon fields in 
Spain to guard the fruit, rather than habitable houses. In these 
cabins they found abundance of fresh buffalo meat, with which 
they appeased their hunger. There were many buffalo hides, also, 



380 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



recently flayed ; but the Spaniards could never meet with the living 
animals. From the abundant traces of horned cattle thus found 
in the habitations, they called this the Province of the Vaqueros, 
or Herdsmen.* 

* It is evident that the Spaniards were on the hunting grounds of the Far 
"West — the great buffalo prairies. It is probable that the scattered and slight 
wigwams thus visited, were mere hunting camps. 



CHAPTER LXXXL 

FEATS OF INDIVIDUAL PROWESS OF THE INDIANS OF THE FAR WEST. 

1542. 

The Indians of the far west have always been noted for their 
gallant and martial bearing, and their proneness to feats of indi- 
vidual prowess and bravado. In their wanderings through this 
wild hunting region, the Spaniards had frequent instances of the 
kind, two or three of which are worthy of especial notice. In 
the course of their inarch through the province of Los Vaqueros, 
they encamped one afternoon in an open plain. The Spaniards 
stretched themselves on the ground to repose, while their Indian 
attendants prepared their repast. While thus reclining, they ob- 
served an Indian warrior sally out of an adjacent wood and ap- 
proach the camp. He was gayly painted, had a bow in his hand, 
a quiver of arrows over his right shoulder, and waving plumes 
upon his head. 

The Spaniards, seeing him advance alone, and peacefully, im- 
agined that he was charged with some message from his cacique 
to the governor, and allowed him to draw nigh. He came within 
fifty paces of a group of soldiers, who were conversing together ; 
then, suddenly fixing an arrow in his bow, he sent it in the midst 
of them. 

The Spaniards seeing him bend his bow, some sprang aside, 



380 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



recently flayed ; but the Spaniards could never meet with the living 
animals. From the abundant traces of horned cattle thus found 
in the habitations, they called this the Province of the Vaqueros, 
or Herdsmen.* 

* It is evident that the Spaniards were on the hunting grounds of the Far 
West — the great buffalo prairies. It is probable that the scattered and slight 
wigwams thus visited, were mere hunting camps. 



CHAPTER LXXXI. 

FEATS OF INDIVIDUAL PROWESS OF THE INDIANS OF THE FAR WEST. 

1542. 

The Indians of the far west have always been noted for their 
gallant and martial bearing, and their proneness to feats of indi- 
vidual prowess and bravado. In their wanderings through this 
wild hunting region, the Spaniards had frequent instances of the 
kind, two or three of which are worthy of especial notice. In 
the course of their march through the province of Los Vaqueros, 
they encamped one afternoon in an open plain. The Spaniards 
stretched themselves on the ground to repose, while their Indian 
attendants prepared their repast. While thus reclining, they ob- 
served an Indian warrior sally out of an adjacent wood and ap- 
proach the camp. He was gayly painted, had a bow in his hand, 
a quiver of arrows over his right shoulder, and waving plumes 
upon his head. 

The Spaniards, seeing him advance alone, and peacefully, im- 
agined that he was charged with some message from his cacique 
to the governor, and allowed him to draw nigh. He came within 
fifty paces of a group of soldiers, who were conversing together ; 
then, suddenly fixing an arrow in his bow, he sent it in the midst 
of them. 

The Spaniards seeing him bend his bow, some sprang aside, 



8§a rONQUKST OF FLORIDA. 

others throw themselves upon the ground, The arrow whistled 
by without touching them, but flying beyond, whore live or six 
female [ndians were under a tree, preparing dinner for their 
masters, it struck one in the shoulders, and passing through her 
body, buried itself in the bosom of another j they both tell and 

expired. The savage then turned, and fled with surprising speed 

to the WOOds. The Spaniards beat the alarm and shouted after 
him. The captain. Halta/.ar de GtallegOS, being bv chance on 
horseback, hoard the shout, and saw the savage living; suspecting 
the cause, be gave ehaso, overtook him olose to the wood, and 
transfixed him with his laiuv. 

Three days after this, the army halted for a day to repose in 

a beautiful plain, oi' the same province. While thus indulging, 
thov saw. about ten in the morning, two Indian warriors approach- 
ing across the plain. They were tine looking fellows, decorated 

with lofty plumes, bearing their bows in their hands, and their 
quivers at their backs. Thov stalked to within two hundred paces 
o( the camp, and then began to walk round a large nut-tree, not 
side by side, but circling in opposite directions. SO as to pass each 
other, ami guard one another's backs. In this way they kept on 
all dav, without deigning to take any notice of the Negroes. Indians, 
women and bo\s, who occasional! v passed near them, bringing 
water and wood 

The Spaniards understood from this that thov came not for 
the domestics, but for them, and they forthwith reported to the 
governor what thov had observed lie ordered that no soldier 
should go out to them, but that they should be left alone as mad- 
men. 

The [ndians continued their circumvolutions about the tree, 
waiting patiently, it would seem, for some o\' the Spaniards to 



RESCUE OF PAEZ. 88* 



take up this singular challenge. H. was near sunset, when a 
company of horse, who had been out since morning scouring the 
country, returned. Their quarters were near the place where 
this extraordinary scene was acting, and observing it, they asked) 

"What Indians are these?" Having- learnt tin; order of the 
governor, that they should be unmolested as two madmen, it was 
obeyed by all except, a headlong soldier named Juan l\i,oz, who, 
eager to exhibit, his valor, exclaimed, " A. pest, upon them ; here's 
one madder than they, who will cure their madness !" So saying, 
he spurred towards them. When the Indians saw but a single 
Spaniard advancing to attack them, the one who was nearest to 
Paez stepped forth to receive him, and the other, separating, placed 
himself under a tree ; thus manifesting a wish to fight man to man, 
and disregarding the advantage that the Spaniard had in being 
mounted. The soldier spurred upon the Indian at full speed, to 
bear him down with the shock. His adversary waited, with an 
arrow in his bow, until he came within shot,, when he sped his 
shaft. It struck Juan Paez in the muscular part of the left arm, 
passed through it, and through both sides of a sleeve of mail, and 
remained crossed in the wound. The arm dropped powerless, 
the reins slipped from the hand, and the horse, feeling them fall, 
stopped of a sudden, as horses are often trained to do. 

The companions of Juan I'aoz, who had not, yet alighted, Seeing 
his peril, galloped to his rescue. The Indians, not choosing to 
encounter such odds, fied to a neighboring wood, but before they 

could reach if, were overtaken and lanced fco death. In this affair 
the savages certainly .showed a spirit of chivalry, and a punctilio 
as to the laws of fche duel, which merited a better return at the 
hands of Spanish cavaliers.* 

* GarcihiHo <le hi, Vega, Lib. v. P. iL c. 4. 



CHAPTER LXXXII. 

THE SPANIARDS COME IN SIGHT OF HIGH MOUNTAINS TO THE WEST 

EXPLORING PARTIES SENT OUT TO DISCOVER THE COUNTRY THE 

REPORT THEY BRING BACK MOSCOSO CALLS A COUNCIL OF HIS 

OFFICERS THEIR DETERMINATION. 

1542. 

After traversing the wild waste of country which the Spaniards 
called the Province of Los Vaqueros, they came to a river called 
Daycao, which was a favorite hunting resort of the Indians ; great 
quantities of deer feeding along its banks. They had been told 
that the country beyond it was inhabited ; and Moscoso sent out a 
party of horse to cross the river, and to beat up the opposite bank. 
They found a village, consisting of a few miserable hovels, and 
captured two of the inhabitants ; but none of the interpreters 
could understand their language. 

The Spaniards now saw to the west a series of mountains and 
forests ; and learnt that the country was without inhabitants. 
Their hearts began to fail them. The hunger and toil they had 
already experienced, rendered them loth to penetrate these sav- 
age regions The governor, therefore, determined to remain en- 
camped, and to send out light parties to explore the country to 
the west. Three bands of horsemen accordingly set off. each in a 
different direction ; and penetrated to the distance of thirty leagues. 



TRACKLESS DESERTS. 385 



They found the country sterile, thinly peopled, and it appeared 
worse and worse the further they proceeded. They captured some 
of the inhabitants, who assured them that further on it was still 
more destitute ; the natives did not live in villages, nor dwell in 
houses ; neither did they cultivate the soil, but were a wandering 
people, roving in bands, gathering fruits and herbs, and roots of 
spontaneous growth, and depending occasionally upon hunting 
and fishing for subsistence : passing from place to place, accord- 
ing as the seasons were favorable to their pursuits.* 

At the end of fifteen days, the exploring parties were all back 
again in the camp, bringing nearly the same accounts. Their 
united reports brought the governor completely to a stand. To 
prosecute his march to New Spain through such wildernesses as 
were described to him, would be to run the risk of losing himself 
and his troops in famishing and trackless deserts. He now recol- 
lected what had been related by Alvar Nunez, of races of Indians 
that he had met with, unsettled in their abode, wandering about 
like the wild Arabs, feeding on roots and herbs, and the produce 
of the chase ; and he fancied such savage hordes roved about the 
country before him. Indeed, it was probable that all the rumors 
he had heard of Christians seen by the Indians, might relate to 
Alvar Nunez and his companions, who, on their way to New 
Spain, after their shipwreck with Pamphilo de Narvaez, had pass- 
ed as captives from tribe to tribe of the inhabitants of these 
lands. It is true, they kept near the sea-coast, far to the south 
of the track of Moscoso, but the fame of such wonderful stran- 
gers might have penetrated to the interior ; for reports are car- 
ried to vast distances among Indian tribes. The crosses, also, 

* This description answers to the character and habits of the Pawnees, 
Comanches, and other tribes of the Far West. 



whieh M,-M",' had observed tn our of the provinces through 
which he had passed, might have been put up b) the Lndians 

i. ill.-. in. in-., in eonsequeooe of the inuo of apparently miraculous 

by AU.ir Niuuv ami his num. who always v\inu\l a 

. in their bands whoa thej visited the &iok v and made the sign 
of th< over their patients 

The delusive reports, the of Christians to the west 

which the Spaniards to proceed, had now died 

rc \ v\\c\ had nothing hue \ . >was1 ire them, infi 

od h\ barbarous people with whom it was impossible to keep ap 
a t'vuMuih understanding fax want of an interpreter it was al 
beginning of October j if the) Lingered much lonj 
:ui snows of winter would out off theii return, ami 
the) might perish with oold and hunger Moseoso was wearj in 
soul and body, wad Longed to be in a plaee where his sleep would 
m>t be broken bj continual alarms He eall< email, there 

ins offi< -i proposed that the) should give up aU 

further progress to the west, make the 
the m build vessels there, and deseend that mm- to the 

;tl 

n. .- ' j i ■ ■ . ' ed bj ■ ■•■ a ? 

withstanding all thou- suffering ppointments, had still a 

Lingering b . ■ ■ . 

then Chej ■■ v - x 

\ i had told the emperor of his baring i 
eountrj woe 

pro Dhat thej had •■ ■ j a of 

w \ •. i ;e but might do • wrward 

Besides the) had setualty »•.-.. ktlou mantle! tor 

quois 1 had r. od from the 



DESPERATE MARCH. 387 



natives that they came from a country to the irest; wliieli wuh 
doubtless the country that Alvar tfuiiet bad spoken of. They 
were, therefore, for persisting in their desperate march westward; 
nay, some of them declared they would rather perish in the 
wilderness, than return beggared and miserable to Europe, from 

an expedition undertaken with Bueij Jii;/li and vaunting antici 
pal, ions. 

Sager counsels, however, prevailed, and after much deliber 
ation it was determined to retrace their steps to the Mississippi. 

Note, — The march of :a<,<- oi the Mi i lippi ban been rendered 

from the Spani h and Portuguese account*; but they rary so much on some 
points, and are so vague en others, and the regions to which they relate arc 
ho v;i-i and, until rery recently, so little known, that it is next to impossible 
to trace the route oj t J j * - wanderers with any thing approaching : '- precision 
They evidently traversed the bunting grounds of the Par West, the range of 
the buffalo, and got upon the uppei prairies, which, in many parts, arc little 
better than deserts, The river Daeayo, which is only mentioned by the Poi 
tuguese narrator, has been supposed to be the 'Bio del Oro' of Oabeza de 
Vac-i. He makes them return from the banks of thi rivei ; but the Spanish 
historian affirms that they saw great chains of mountain! and forests to the 
,<- t, which they understood were uninhabited. It has been conjectured that 
these were the skirts of the Rocky Mountains. As, according to the Portu- 
■ account, they departed from the banks of the Mississippi ftw the Far 
west, '-I! the fifth of June, and did not get back there until the beginning of 
December, they were sis months on this march and countermarch, which, with 
all their baitings, would give them time to penetrate a great di itance into the 
interior, 

17 



CHAPTER LXXXIII. 

HARASSING MARCH OF THE SPANIARDS THE TROOPER — HIS MISAD- 
VENTURE. 

1542. 

The Spaniards had now a long and dreary march before them, 
with no novelty ahead to cheer them on, and a country to traverse, 
the savage inhabitants of which had been rendered hostile by their 
previous invasion, and its resources laid waste by their foraging 
parties. They endeavored to remedy these disadvantages as much 
as possible by making a bend to the south, so as to avoid the des- 
olate tracts they had recently traversed, and to find regions more 
abundant in provisions. 

They journeyed by forced marches, and took every precaution 
not to provoke the Indians ; the latter, however, were on the alert, 
and harassed them at all hours of day and night. Sometimes 
they concealed themselves in woods, by which the Spaniards had 
to pass ; in the more open country they would lie upon the ground, 
covered by the tall grass and weeds, and as the soldiers, seeing 
no enemy, came carelessly along, the wily savages would suddenly 
spring up, discharge a shower of arrows, and immediately take 
to flight. 

These assaults were so many and frequent, that one band 



ASSAULTS ON THE SPANIARDS. 389 



would scarcely bo repulsed from the vanguard, when another at- 
tacked the rear, and frequently the line of march was assailed, in 
three or four places at the same time, with great loss and injury 
both of men and horses. In fact, it was in this province of Los 
Vaqueros that the Spaniards, without coming hand to hand with 
the enemy, received more injury than in any other through which 
they passed. This was especially the case in the course of the 
last day's march, when their route was extremely rough, through 
woods, and across streams and ravines, and other dangerous passos, 
peculiarly fit for ambush and surprise. Here the savages, who 
were well acquainted with the ground, had them at their mercy, 
waylaying them at every step, wounding Spaniards, and horses, 
and the Indian servants who accompanied the army. 

The last of these assaults happened just before arriving at 
the place of encampment, as they crossed a brook overhung with 
trees and thickets. Just as one of the horsemen, named Sao jurgo, 
was in the middle of the brook, an arrow shot from among the 
bushes on the bank struck him in the rear, pierced his cuirass of 
mail, passed through the muscle of his right thigh, then through 
the saddle-tree and paddings, and buried itself in the horse. 
The woundod animal sprang out of the brook, sallied forth upon 
the plain, and went on plunging and kicking to get clear of the 
arrow and his rider. 

The comrades of Sanjurge hastened to his assistance. Find- 
ing him nailed, in a manner, to the saddle, and the army having 
halted to encamp hard by, they led him on horseback as he was 
to his allotted quarters. Lifting him gently from his seat, they 
cut off the shaft of the arrow between the saddle and the wound; 
after which, taking off the saddle, they found that the injury to 
the horse was but slight. Wliat surprised them, however, was 



390 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



that the shaft, which had penetrated through so many substances, 
was a mere reed, with the end hardened in the fire. Such was 
the vigor of arm with which these Indian archers plied their 
bows. 

This Sanjurge had enjoyed a kind of charlatan reputation 
among the soldiers, for curing wounds with oil, wool, and certain 
words, which he called a charm. At the battle of Mauvila, how- 
ever, all the oil and wool had been burnt, and Sanjurge's miracu- 
lous cures were at an end. His whole surgical skill being confined 
to his nostrum and charm, he was now fain to call in the aid of 
the surgeon to extract the head of an arrow which was lodged in 
his knee. The operation was so painful, however, that he railed 
at the surgeon for a bungler, and swore he would rather die than 
come again under his hands, and the latter replied that he might 
die and welcome, before he would have any thing to do with him 
again. 

In his present wounded state, however, Sanjurge was in a sad 
dilemma, having no nostrums of his own, and being precluded 
from the assistance of the surgeon. At length he thought of 
a substitute for his old remedy, and, making use of hog's lard, 
instead of oil, and the shreds of an Indian mantle, instead of 
wool, he dressed his wound with them, and pronounced his vaunt- 
ed charm. Faith and a good constitution work miracles in quack- 
ery. In the course of four days that the army remained encamp- 
ed to attend to the sick, Sanjurge had so far recovered as to resume 
his saddle, galloping up and down in vaunting style among the 
soldiery, whose faith in his nostrum and his charm became stronger 
than ever.* 

* Garcilaso de la Vega, Part ii. Lib. v. c. 5. 



CHAPTER LXXXIV. 

FRANCISCO, THE GENOESE, WITH SEVERAL OP HIS COMRADES, LIE IN 

AMBUSH TO ENTRAP SOME OP THE NATIVES THE SEVERE SKIB.- 

MISH THEY HAVE WITH AN INDIAN, AND THE RESULT. 

1542. 

After leaving the disastrous province of Los Vaqueros, the 
Spaniards continued for twenty days, "by forced marches, through 
other lands, of which they did not know the name, taking but lit- 
tle pains to gain information, their only object now being to get 
to the Mississippi. 

Although they avoided all pitched battles with the natives, 
they continued to be harassed by them incessantly. Did a soldier 
chance to wander a short distance from his comrades, he was in- 
stantly shot down. In this manner no less than forty Spaniards 
were picked off by lurking foes. By night the Indians would 
enter the camp on all fours, or drawing themselves along like 
snakes, without being heard, and thus shoot down horses, and 
even sentinels who were off their guard. 

One day, when the army was about to march, Francisco, the 
Genoese carpenter, obtained permission of the governor for him- 
self and several troopers, who were in want of servants, to remain 



392 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



behind, and lie in ambush at the place of encampment, for the 
Indians were accustomed to visit those places as soon as the 
Spaniards had abandoned them, to pick up any articles they might 
have left behind. 

A dozen horse and twelve foot concealed themselves, accord- 
ingly, in a thick clamp of trees, one of their companions climb- 
ing to the top of the highest to look out and give notice should 
any Indians approach. In four sallies they captured fourteen of 
the enemy without any resistance. These they divided among 
them, two falling to the share of Francisco the shipwright, as 
leader of the detachment. The party would then have rejoined 
the army, but Francisco refused, alleging that he needed another 
Indian, and that he would not return until he had captured one. 

All the efforts of his comrades to shake this foolhardy deter- 
mination were in vain ; each of them offered to give up the In- 
dian that had fallen to his share, but he refused to accept the 
boon. Yielding, therefore, to his obstinacy, they remained with 
him in ambush. 

In a little while the sentinel in the tree gave warning that an 
Indian was near. One of the horsemen, the same Juan Paez 
who had recently been wounded in the arm, dashed forth with his 
wonted impetuosity, and rode full speed at the Indian. The lat- 
ter, as usual, took refuge under a tree. Paez galloped close by 
the tree, giving a passing thrust with his lance across the left arm 
at the Indian. He missed his aim, but his enemy was more suc- 
cessful ; for as the horse passed, he drew his arrow to the head, 
and buried it just behind the left stirrup leather. The horse 
plunged several paces forward, and fell dead. Francisco de 
Bolanos, a comrade and townsman of Paez, had followed close 
behind him ; he attacked the Indian in the same way, and failed 



INDIAN TRANSFIXED. 393 



In his blow likewise ; his horse received a similar wound, and went 
stumbling forward to fall beside his predecessor. 

The two dismounted horsemen, recovering from their fall, 
made at the Indian with their lances, while, from the other side, 
a cavalier, named Juan de Vega, came galloping towards him on 
horseback. The Indian, thus assailed on both sides, rushed forth 
from under the tree to encounter the horseman, perceiving, that 
if he could kill the horse, he could easily escape from his dis- 
mounted antagonists by his superior swiftness of foot. 

With this intent he sped an arrow at the breast of the horse, 
as he came charging upon him, which would have cleft his heart 
but for a breastplate of three folds of tough bull-hide with which 
his rider had provided him. The arrow passed through the breast- 
plate, and penetrated a hand's breadth in the flesh. The horse 
continued his career, and Juan de Yega transfixed the savage 
with his lance. 

The Spaniards grieved over the loss of the two horses, more 
valuable now that their number was so diminished ; but their 
chagrin was doubly heightened when they came to see the enemy 
who had cost them so dear. Instead of being well made and 
muscular, like the most of the natives, he was small, lank, and 
diminutive, giving no promise in his form of the valor of his 
spirit. Cursing their misfortune, and the wilfulness of Francis- 
co, which had caused it, they set forward with their companions 
to rejoin the army.* 

* Garcilaso de la Vega, Part ii. Lib. v. c. 5 and 6. 



CHAPTER LXXXV. 

THEY PASS THROUGH THE PROVINCE OF CHAGUATE, AND MOSCOSO 
DISPATCHES A PAE,TY OF TWELVE TROOPERS AFTER DIEGO DE 

GUZMAN SUFFERINGS OF THE ARMY THEIR ARRIVAL AT THE 

PROVINCE OF ANILCO, AND THEIR DESPONDENCY CHEERED UP BY 

NEWS OF THE FERTILE COUNTRY OF AMINOYA ANASCO DISPATCH- 
ED TO THAT PROVINCE, AND WHAT HE FOUND THERE. 

1542. 

With similar adventures and disasters did the Spaniards continue 
their weary journey. Fearful of making too great a bend to the 
south, and of striking the Mississippi below the province of Gua- 
choya. which was the point where they wished to arrive^ they 
now inclined to the northeast, so as to strike the track they had 
made on their western course. 

This led them back through the province of Naguatex, where 
they found the villages which they had burnt already rebuilt, and 
the houses well stocked with maize. In this province the natives 
made earthen ware of a very tolerable quality. 

In passing through the province of Chaguate, the governor 
bethought him of the Spanish cavalier, Diego de Guzman, who 
had taken refuge among the Indians, and sent twelve troopers in 
search of him ; but he had notice of their approach from the In- 



DESPERATE SITUATION. 395 



dian spies, and concealed himself. The army, in the mean time, 
were suffering from scarcity of food, so that the governor, seeing 
that Gruzman was bent upon remaining among his Indian friends, 
gave up all further search for him, and proceeded on his march.* 

The winter was now set in with great rigor, with heavy rains, 
violent gales, and extreme cold : yet in their eagerness to arrive 
at their destined place of repose, they continued to press forward 
in all weathers, travelling all day, and arriving at nightfall, drench- 
ed with rain, and covered with mud, at their place of encampment. 
They had then to sally out in quest of food, and most of the time 
were compelled to gain it by force of arms, and sometimes at the 
expense of many lives. 

The rivers became swollen by the rain : even the brooks were 
no longer fordable, so that almost every day they were obliged to 
make rafts to cross them ; and at some of the rivers they were 
detained seven or eight days, by the unceasing opposition of their 
enemies, and the want of sufficient materials for constructing the 
rafts. Often, too, at night they had no place whereon to lie, the 
ground being covered with mud and water. The cavalry passed 
the night sitting upon their horses, and as to the infantry, with 
the water up to their knees, their situation may easily be con- 
ceived. For clothing, too. they had merely jackets of chamois and 
other skins, belted round them, serving for shirt, doublet, and 
coat, and almost always soaking wet ; they were in general bare- 
legged, without shoes or sandals. 

With these continual sufferings, both men and horses began 
to sicken and die. Every day two, three, and at one time seven 
Spaniards fell victims to the hardships of the journey, and almost 
all the Indian servants perished. There were no means of carry- 

* Portuguese Relation, c. 35. 

17* 



396 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



ing the sick and dying, for many of the horses were infirm, and 
those that were well, were reserved to repel the constant attacks of 
the enemy. The sick and exhausted, therefore, dragged their steps 
forward as long as they could, and often died by the way, while 
the survivors, in their haste to press onward, scarce paused to 
give them sepulture, leaving them half covered with earth, and 
sometimes entirely unburied. Yet, notwithstanding this sickness 
and exhaustion, they never failed to post sentinels, and keep up 
their camp guard at night, to prevent their being surprised and 
massacred. 

At length they arrived at the fertile province of Anilco, the 
cacique of which had experienced such rough treatment from 
them, and their savage ally, Gruachoya, on their previous visit. 
They had been, for some time past, cheering themselves during 
their famished march with the prospect of solacing themselves in 
this province, which abounded in maize, and of procuring a suffi- 
cient supply to sustain them during the time necessary for the 
construction of their vessels. To their bitter disappointment, 
however, they found the province of Anilco almost destitute of 
maize ; and had the additional chagrin of knowing that they were 
the cause of this scarcity. The hostilities they had waged with 
Anilco, during their residence at Gruachoya, had deterred the in- 
habitants from cultivating their lands ; thus seed-time passed un- 
improved, and the year had produced no harvest. 

Many of the Spaniards, worn out by past trials, could not 
stand this new disappointment, but gave way to despair. Without 
a supply of maize, it would be impossible to subsist through the 
winter, or to sustain the daily and protracted toils of building 
the vessels for their departure. Their imaginations magnified 
the difficulties before them, and painted every thing in dark 



DESPONDENCY IN THE CAMR 397 



colors. How were they to build vessels fitted to stand a sea 
voyage, destitute as they were of pitch and tar, of sails and cord- 
age 1 How were they to navigate without map, or sea-chart, or 
pilot ? — How were they to ascertain at what place the great river 
on which they were to embark disembogued itself into the ocean? 
Sorely did they lament their having returned from the far west, 
and given up their project of reaching New Spain by land. As 
to the plan of escaping by sea, nothing, said they, but a miracle 
would enable them to carry it into effect. 

Such were the despondmgs of many of the Spaniards ; and, 
indeed, a general gloom prevailed through the camp, when they 
were again encouraged by intelligence derived from some of the 
Indians of Anilco. They told them that at the distance of two 
days' journey, on the banks of the Mississippi, there were two 
towns near to each other, in the country of Aminoya, a region of 
exuberant fertility ; in these they would probably find maize, and 
other provisions, in abundance. 

On receiving this cheering intelligence, the governor imme- 
diately detached Juan de Anaseo, with a strong party of horse 
and foot, to visit these places.* They were accompanied by many 
of the Indians of xlnilco, who were at war with those of Aminoya. 
After a hard march of two days, they came to the towns, which 
were situated close together, in an open champaign country, and 
surrounded by a creek or ditch, filled with water from the Missis- 
sippi, so as to form an island. 

De Anaseo entered the villages without opposition, the in- 
habitants having fled on their approach. To the great joy of the 
Spaniards, the houses were abundantly stocked with maize, and 
other grain ; vegetables, nuts, acorns, and dried fruits, such as 

* Portuguese Relation, c. 35. 



Mfi CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



grapes and plants, [a one of the bouses they found an old 

woman, who wa:~; too infirm to make hor escape. Sho ankod thorn 

why they came to that rillage. They replied, to printer there. 
The old beldame Hhook hor hoad. and told thorn that iras no place 
for wintor quarters. Every fourteen years, she said, there was 
an uncommon rise of* the great rivor, so as to inundate all the 
surrounding country, and compel the inhabitants to take refuge 
in the upper part of thoir houses. This,sbe added, vras the four- 
teenth year, and an inundation vras to ho expected The Span- 
iard:-;, however, made light of her warning, considering it an old 
wives' fable, without reflecting that ancient residents of the kind 
are the chronicles of local fact. 



CHAPTEB n 

THE STA3FIAR1>S ARRIVE AT AMESOYA COMMIT 

Aimaneg — barrel between the a, asto 

THE CAPTAiX OESERAk OF A>. ..AR CHALLENGE OF 

THE LATTER, 

Havixo fixed himself in one of the towns, De Afiaseo sent. 

f his success, si that 

prevailed around him, Mosooso immediately get off with the re- 
sidue of the army to join hiin. Notwithstan'; 
of speedy repoge and goo his was as hard a march as 

any the troops had experienced Enfeebled by sickness and 

ain, and a hitter north wi.. 
The hearts of the poor way-worn Span' 
them when they once . ne in gight of * 

they regarded it as tb* highway hy wl 

land of disaster, 
as a haven of w 'id tha 1 that they ha 

vrhere they might rest a while from their wayfar- 
ing, Indeed, had they not found, at th 

abundance, it is probable most of them would have perished un- 
and privations of the winter As it was. many 



400 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



of them but gained this place of rest to die. The excitement of 
the march had stimulated them beyond their strength ; when no 
longer exertion was necessary, they fell into sickness and lethar- 
gy, and in the course of a few days above fifty of them expired. 

Among those who had thus survived the toils and perils of 
the march, to perish in the place of refuge, was Andres de Vas- 
concellos, a Portuguese cavalier of noble blood, who had distin- 
guished himself on various occasions in the course of this fatal 
enterprise. 

No one, however, was more lamented by the army than the 
brave and generous Nuno Tobar, a cavalier no less valiant and 
noble than unfortunate. Having had the ill luck, at the outset 
of the enterprise, through an error of love, to displease the gover- 
nor De Soto, he had never been forgiven, although he had repaired 
his wrong to the lady by marriage, and atoned to his commander 
by repeated acts of chivalrous bravery. On the contrary, he had 
ever been treated by De Soto with a rigor and disdain, from 
which his great merits and services should have shielded him ; 
nor had he been restored to his military rank under that gener- 
al's successor, Moscoso. 

Seeing the favorable situation of the village of Aminoya, and 
the abundance of the surrounding country, the governor resolved 
to establish his winter quarters, and build his brigantines here.* 
It is true it was about sixteen leagues above the residence of 
Gruachoya, where he had intended to winter, but that was imma- 
terial ; the grand object was attained, a secure place on the Mis- 



* Mr. McCulloch supposes the village of Aminoya to have been situated 
in the neighborhood of the present town of Helena, about thirty miles above 
the Arkansas. 



EMBARKATION OF FORCES. 401 



sissippi for the construction of his vessels, and his proposed 
embarkation. 

To render his position more comfortable and secure, he 
destroyed one of the two adjacent villages, and carried al] its 
provisions, wood, and provender, to the other. This was sur- 
rounded by palisades, and he set about strengthening its defences, 
but such was the debilitated state of his men, that it cost him 
twenty days to accomplish the work. Being now, however, in 
good quarters, with plenty of food, and suffering no molestation 
from the natives, they soon began to recover from their fatigues 
and maladies, and, with the renovation of their strength, their 
spirits likewise revived. 

They now set to work to construct seven brigantines, for the 
embarakation of all their force. They were built under the super- 
intendence of Francisco, the Genoese, the same who had on 
various occasions been efficient in constructing bridges, rafts, and 
boats, being the only person in the army who knew any thing of 
ship-building. He was assisted by four or five carpenters, of 
Biscay. Another Genoese and a Catalonian, skilled, as their 
countrymen usually are, in nautical affairs, engaged to calk the 
vessels. 

A Portuguese, who had been a slave among the Moors of Fez, 
had learned the use of the saw, and instructed some of the soldiers 
in the art. He was to reduce the timber felled in the neighbor- 
ing forests into suitable planks ; while a cooper, who was almost 
at death's door, promised, as soon as he was able to work, to make 
water-casks for the vessels. 

All the iron work treasured up from former embarkations 
was now brought forth, and every article of iron that could be 
spared from other purposes. The chains were knocked off the 



402 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



Indian captives, even the iron stirrups of the troopers were given 
up, and wooden ones substituted in their place. A forge was 
erected to work up these materials into the necessary forms, and 
thus the whole undertaking soon began to wear an encouraging 
aspect. 

Assistance was also rendered from other quarters. The old 
friend and ally of the Spaniards. Gruachoya, hearing of their return, 
came with presents of provisions, and renewed his former inter- 
course. The cacique Anilco also, taught by the severe treatment 
he had brought upon himself by former hostility, now sent his 
captain general, with a numerous retinue, entreating the friend- 
ship of the governor, and pleading ill health as an excuse for his 
not coming in person. The captain general was received with 
great ceremony and respect ; he was shrewd and intelligent, and 
acquitted himself with great address in his intercourse with the 
Spaniards. He mingled among them familiarly, acquainted him- 
self with their plans and wishes, and transmitted an account of 
every thing to his cacique, who immediately contributed every 
assistance in his power. Every day or two came supplies from 
Anilco of fish and other provisions, together with various materials 
for the ships, such as cordage of various sizes, made of grass and 
fibrous plants, and mantles made of an herb resembling the mal- 
lows, containing a fibre like flax, which the Indians wrought into 
thread, and dyed with various colors. 

Gruachoya emulated Anilco in supplying the various wants of 
the Spaniards, but fell short of him in constant assiduity. Both 
caciques furnished numbers of their subjects to serve in the camp, 
and to do the rough work about the ships. 

To carry on their ship-building without interruption from 
storms and inundations, the Spaniards erected four large frame 



JEALOUSY OF GUACHOYA. 403 



buildings. Within these both officers and men toiled without 
distinction, sawing planks, twisting cordage, making oars, and 
hammering out iron, and their only pride was shown in striving 
who should do the most work. 

The cordage furnished by Anilco was fabricated into rigging 
and cables, and when this was not sufficient, the rinds of mul- 
berry-trees were substituted. The Indian mantles, when sound 
and entire, were formed into sails ; the old ones were picked into 
shreds to calk the vessels. For this latter purpose, also, use 
was made of an herb resembling hemp, called Enequen ; and in 
place of tar the seams were payed with the rosin and gum of 
various trees, and with an unctuous kind of earth. 

During the whole winter the captain general of Anilco was 
continually with the Spaniards, officiating as the representative 
of his cacique, mingling in all their concerns, administering to 
their wants, and seemingly taking as much interest in their plans 
as if they had been his own. His important services, and the 
hearty good will with which they were rendered, made him so 
popular with both officers and soldiers, that he received, on all 
occasions, such honors as would have been paid to his cacique. 

All this awakened the jealousy and anger of Guachoya. He 
had secretly sought to revive the former hostilities between the 
Spaniards and Anilco, but his intrigues had been in vain. His 
spleen at length broke forth, in presence of the governor and his 
officers, on the occasion of some new honors which they paid to 
the captain general. He represented the latter as a mere servant 
and vassal, base in his origin, poor in his circumstances, and re- 
monstrated with the Spaniards for paj^ing more honors to a man 
of such condition, than to a powerful chieftain. 

The general of Anilco listened with a calm, unchanging coun- 



404 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



tonance until he had finished, then, asking permission of the gov- 
ernor, he replied with generous warmth, showing his honorable 
descent from the same ancestors as his cacique, and his high 
standing, as second only to his chieftain, and commander of his 
forces. He reminded Guachoya of victories which he had gain- 
en over his father, himself, and his brothers, all of whom he had, 
at different times, had in his power and treated magnanimously ; 
finally, as a mortal trial of prowess, he defied Guachoya to enter 
alone with him into a canoe, and launch themselves on the Mis- 
sissippi. The abode of Guachoya lay several leagues down the 
river, that of the general of Anilco up the tributary stream which 
entered into the Mississippi. He who should survive the mortal 
struggle of the voyage, and navigate the canoe to his home, would 
be the undisputed victor. 

The captain general of Anilco concluded his warm and in- 
dignant speech, but Guachoya neither accepted the challenge nor 
answered a word, but remained with confused and downcast coun- 
tenance. From that time forward the general was held in higher 
estimation than ever by the cavaliers and the army in general.* 

* Garcilaso de la Vega, Lib. v. P. ii. c. 10. 



CHAPTER LXXXVIL 

THE LEAGUE OF THE CACIQUES AGAINST THE SPANIARDS GONZALO 

SILVESTRE ROUGHLY HANDLES AN INDIAN HOW THE DESIGNS 

OF THE HOSTILE CACIQUES WERE FRUSTRATED. 

1543. 

While the Spaniards were diligently employed building their 
brigantines, the natives of the surrounding provinces were plotting 
their destruction. On the opposite side of the Mississippi, a few 
leagues below Aminoya, extended the vast, fruitful, and populous 
province of Quigualtanqui ; the same province which had been 
visited by a scouting party, sent by Hernando De Soto, during 
his sojourn at G-uachoya ; on which occasion, the reader may re- 
collect, taunting messages were sent by the cacique to the gover- 
nor. The cacique of Quigualtanque was young and warlike ; 
beloved throughout his extensive dominions, and feared by his 
neighbors on account of his great power. 

Retaining his former enmity to the Spaniards, he learnt with 
alarm that they were again in his neighborhood, and building 
great barks, which might give them command of the river, or en- 
able them to leave the country, and return in greater force to 
conquer it. He sent envoys, therefore, among the neighboring 



406 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



caciques on both sides of the river, and a league was formed to 
combine their forces at a certain time, for a general assault upon 
the Spaniards. 

The cacique of Anilco was invited to enter into the league, 
but he remained true to the Spaniards, and sent the governor 
secret intelligence of the conspiracy. Moscoso ordered addition- 
al guards to be stationed about the camp, and patrols kept up by 
night and day, and vigilant watch to be maintained over the 
places where the arms and munitions of war were deposited. In 
the mean time, envoys arrived at all hours of the day and night 
from the cacique of Quigualtanqui and his allies, bringing mes- 
sages of friendship, accompanied by presents. The governor 
perceived, by their roving about the camp, and taking note of 
every thing, that they were mere spies. He gave peremptory 
orders, therefore, that no Indian should come by night to the vil- 
lage ; but his mandates were disregarded. 

One night, Gronzalo Silvestre. with a comrade, was on duty 
as sentry at one of the gates of the village. He was just recover- 
ing from a severe illness, and was yet feeble. About the mid-watch, 
he descried in the clear moonlight two Indians approaching, with 
bows and arrows in their hands, and lofty plumes on their heads. 
They advanced towards the gate across a fallen tree, which serv- 
ed as a bridge over the fosse. Silvestre, who knew the peremptory 
orders of the governor, and the lurking treachery which sur- 
rounded them, felt his blood boil at sight of these interlopers. 
" Here come two Indians," said he to his comrade ; how dare 
they come at night, in defiance of the prohibition of the governor % 
By the mass, the first that enters this gate shall feel the edge of 
my sword." 

His comrade begged him to leave the Indian to him, as he 



THREATENED VENGEANCE. 407 



was strong and well, and Silvestre but feeble in health. " By no 
means," replied the other ; " I am strong enough to give these 
impudent savages a lesson." 

The Indian drew nigh, and finding the gate open, entered 
without hesitation. In an instant, Silvestre gave the foremost a 
blow in the face with his sword, and felled him to the ground. 
The savage recovered himself, snatched up his bow and arrows, 
and plunging into the fosse, swam to the other side. His com- 
panion fled across the fallen tree, and leaping into his canoe, made 
the best of his way across the Mississippi. 

At sunrise, four Indian warriors appeared at the camp, com- 
plaining in the name of all the neighboring caciques of this vio- 
lation of the peace existing between them, and demanding that, 
as the wounded Indian was a warrior of rank, the soldier who 
struck him should be put to death. Embassies of the kind were 
repeated at noon, and in the evening, the latter announcing that 
the warrior had died of his wound. 

Luis de Moscoso gave evasive and haughty replies to the am- 
bassadors, which greatly incensed the chieftains of the league. 
They concealed their rage and hatred, however, consoling them- 
selves with the idea that the day of vengeance was at hand. In 
the mean time, each cacique assembled his warriors, and prepared 
for the signal blow. Their plan was to burst suddenly upon the 
Spaniards, and massacre every one of them. Should they fail in 
this, they were to set fire to the hulks of the vessels, and thus 
prevent their departure. They might then exterminate them by 
degrees ; for they were aware of their diminished numbers, and 
that but few horses survived — these objects of their chief terror 
— above all, they knew that the brave Hernando de Soto was no 
more. 



408 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



The Spaniards were aware that the momentous day was near 
at hand : for some of the spies who visited the camp had comfort- 
ed the Indian captives with assurances of speedy deliverance and 
revenge ; all which the Indian women had revealed to their mas- 
ters. Added to this, as the nights were still and serene, they 
would hear the murmuring sound of Indian gatherings on both 
sides of the river, and could see the camp fires gleaming in differ- 
ent directions. 

When this storm of war was about to burst upon the Span- 
iards, there came on a sudden rising of the river. The predic- 
tion of the old Indian woman was verified. Although there had 
been no fall of rain for a month, yet the Mississippi, in the 
month of March, swelled above its banks, and inundated the coun- 
try for several leagues on both sides of the river. The green 
fields and forests were transformed into a broad sea, with the 
branches and tops of the trees rising above the surface, and ca- 
noes gliding between them in every direction. The town in 
which the army was quartered was on a rising ground, yet the 
water rose in the lower parts of the houses, and obliged the troops 
to take refuge in the garrets, or on sheds erected on strong piles. 
They had to quarter their horses in the same manner ; and for 
some time it was impossible to go abroad, excepting in canoes, or 
on horseback, when the water would reach to the stirrups of the 
trooper. It was in consequence of these inundations, says the 
Spanish historian, that the Indians built their villages on high 
hills, or artificial mounds. The houses of the chieftains were 
often built upon piles, with upper floors, where they might take 
refuge from the freshets. 



CHAPTER LXXXVIII. 

THE CACIQUES OP THE LEAGUE AGAIN PREPARE TO ATTACK THE 
SPANIARDS AN INDIAN SPY A PLOT DETECTED. 

1543. 

The swelling of the Mississippi and inundation of the surround- 
ing country, dispersed the hordes of savage warriors, and forced 
them to take refuge in their villages. The cacique, however, did 
not abandon their evil design, but kept up a semblance of friend- 
ship, sending repeated messages and presents. Moscoso ordered 
a vigilant watch to be kept about the village, and especially about 
the brigantines, permitting no Indians to come near them in 
their canoes, through fear of some treacherous design. 

The swollen river subsided as slowly as it had risen, and it 
was two months before it shrunk within its natural channel. As 
soon as the surface of the country was sufficiently dry, the ca- 
ciques again gathered their forces for their premeditated attack. 

The General of Anilco gave the governor warning of their 
movements, and offered to bring a large force of Indians to assist 
him ; but Moscoso declined his offer, lest his services should em- 
broil the generous Anilco with his neighbors, after the departure 
of the Spaniards. 



410 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



Anxious to procure particular information of the plans of the 
conspirators, Moscoso ordered an Indian, who was loitering about 
the town, and whom he suspected to be a spy, to be put to the 
rack. This is always a sure mode of forcing out round assertions, 
whether true or false. The Indian, under torture, declared that 
twenty caciques of the neighborhood were about to attack the 
camp with a large army : that to put him off his guard and con- 
ceal their treachery, they were to send a present of fish three 
days before the attack, and another present on the appointed day. 
That the Indians who brought the fish, combining with those who 
served in the camp, were to seize upon all lances and other wea- 
pons that were at hand, and set fire to the houses. At the sight 
of the flames, the caciques, with their troops, were to rush from 
the places where they lay in ambush, and assail the Spaniards on 
all sides, in the height of their confusion. 

The governor, having heard the story, ordered the Indian to 
be kept in chains. On the day he had mentioned, thirty Indians 
came into the town, bearing presents of fish and messages of 
kindness. The governor immediately ordered them to be seized, 
taken aside separately, and examined concerning the conspiracy. 
They attempted no defence, but made full confession of the. plot. 
Moscoso, with his usual rigor, ordered forthwith that their right 
hands should be cut off, and that they should be sent, thus muti- 
lated, to their homes, to give warning to the caciques that their 
treachery was discovered. The stoical savages bore their punish- 
ment without flinching ; scarce was the hand of one stricken off, 
when another laid his arm upon the block. Their patience and 
firmness extorted the pity and admiration even of their enemies. 

This sanguinary punishment of their envoys put an end to 
the league of the caciques, who gave up their plan of attacking 



AN INDIAN SPY. 411 



the camp, and returned eaeh one to his province, but with hearts 
bent on further hostility. 

Guachoya had more than once been suspected by the Span- 
iards of secret participation in this plot, and had even been charg- 
ed with it by the Indian spy, when under the torture. There 
does not appear to have been certain proof; and, indeed, all these 
stories of plots and conspiracies related by Indians of each other, 
are to be received with great distrust. The Spaniards, doubtless, 
were often deceived by their allies, who sought through their 
means, to cripple their rivals and antagonists ; and much need- 
less hostility and bloodshed did they bring upon themselves by 
some harsh measure, either to punish or prevent some imputed 
treason. 

18 



CHAPTER LXXXIX. 

FINAL PREPARATIONS OF MOSCOSO AND HIS FOLLOWERS. 

1543. 

Moscoso and his officers, convinced of their perilous situation 
thus surrounded by open and secret foes, applied themselves as- 
siduously to complete their armament, and provide stores for the 
voyage. Gruachoya, conscious of the late suspicions entertained 
of him, redoubled his zeal in furnishing maize, fish, and other 
supplies, and Anilco continued to the last his friendly offices. 
Throughout all their wanderings the Spaniards had preserved a 
number of the swine which they had brought with them to stock 
their intended settlement. These had, in fact, multiplied during 
the march, and others which had strayed away, or been given to 
the Indians, had likewise produced their increase. The Spaniards 
now killed those that remained with them, excepting a dozen and 
a half which they retained alive, in case they should yet form a set- 
tlement near the sea coast, and a few which they made presents to 
Anilco and G-uachoya. The carcasses were then cut up and made 
into bacon for ships' provisions. Of fifty horses that remained, 
they determined that twenty of the least valuable should be killed 
and put up for provisions. This was a painful alternative, on ac- 
count of their long companionship in wayfaring, and the faithful 



COMPLETION" OF ARRANGEMENTS. 413 



services they had rendered. They were tied to stakes at night, 
a vein opened, and they were thus left to bleed to death. The 
flesh was then parboiled and dried in the sun, and laid up among 
the sea stores. Canoes were linked together, two and two, to 
convey the others, their fore feet being placed in one canoe and 
their hind feet in the other, and the canoes were barricaded with 
boards and hides to ward off the arrows of the Indians. 

When the brigantines were ready for service, there was an 
unusual swelling of the river, so that the water reached the place 
where they were on the stocks, and they were launched with great 
ease. This was a fortunate circumstance, for they were built of 
such thin planks, and fastened with such short nails, that they 
might have bulged in being transported over land. They were 
merely large barks, open except at the bow and stern, where they 
had coverts to protect the sea stores. Along the gunwales were 
bulwarks of boards and hides, and boards were laid athwart them 
to serve as decks. They had seven oars on each side, at which 
all were to take their turns indiscriminately, excepting the cap- 
tains. Each brigantine had two commanders, so that in emer- 
gencies, one might act on shore, while the other remained to 
govern on board. 

The little squadron being now afloat and all ready for embark- 
ation, the governor made his final arrangements on shore. Two 
days before his departure he took a kind farewell of Gruachoya, 
and the captain general of Anilco, sending them both back to 
their homes, first making them promise to live in friendship with 
each other after he was gone. The next day he dismissed the 
greater part of the Indians, male and female, who had been in 
the service of the camp, retaining those only, of both sexes, who 
were of distant tribes and had followed the army in its wander- 



414 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



ings. But a remnant survived, not above thirty, out of a multi- 
tude that had from time to time been captured and reduced to 
servitude, in the course of their extensive marchings. The rest 
had perished by degrees, in the various hardships to which they 
had been exposed. These survivors had, for the most part, be- 
come attached to the Spaniards, and moreover, dreaded to be left 
among the strange tribes, who might enslave and maltreat them.* 

* The Portuguese Relation makes the number of Indians thus embarked, 
amount to one hundred. The number given by the Inca is most probable, 
both narratives having previously stated that most of the Indians who had 
followed the army in its last march perished before arriving at Aminoya. 



CHAPTER XC. 

EMBARKATION OF THE SPANIARDS UPON THE MISSISSIPPI A GRAND 

AND CONCERTED ATTACK BY A LARGE FLEET OF CANOES, AND 

HOW THE SPANIARDS FARED GONZALO SILVESTRE SENT ON 

SHORE WITH A DETACHMENT OF MEN FOR PROVISIONS LOSS OF 

THEIE. HORSES. 

1543. - 

On the second day of July, the Spaniards embarked on hoard 
their seven hrigantines. The largest one, named the Capitana, 
was commanded by Luis de Moscoso, as admiral of this little fleet. 
Of the numerous and brilliant host that had entered on this 
heroic but disastrous enterprise, not quite three hundred and 
fifty survived ; and these in forlorn and wretched plight ; their 
once brilliant armor battered, broken, and rusted : their rich 
and silken raiment reduced to rags, or replaced by the skins of 
wild beasts. 

The sun was setting as they got under way, and the gloom of 
evening seemed an emblem of their darkening fortunes. They 
were abandoning the fruit of all their labor and hardships, the 
expected reward of their daring exploits, the land of their golden 
dreams. They were launching forth on a vast and unknown 
river, leading they knew not whither, and were to traverse, in 



416 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



frail and rudely constructed barks, without chart or compass, 
great wastes of ocean, to which they were strangers, bordered by 
savage coasts, in the vague hope of reaching some Christian shore, 
on which they would land beggars ! 

With sail and oar they pursued their course all night, and on 
the following morning passed by the residence of G-uachoya. 
Here they found many of the inhabitants waiting in their canoes 
to receive them, and beheld a rustic bower of branches of trees 
prepared for their reception. The governor, however, excused 
himself from landing, whereupon the Indians accompanied him in 
their canoes to where the river forked into two branches. They 
warned him that he was near the residence of Quigualtanqui, and 
offered to accompany him, and make war upon that cacique ; but 
the governor, who desired nothing less than any hostile encoun- 
ter with the natives, declined their offer, and dismissed them. 

The little fleet continued its course by the main branch of 
the river, where there was a rapid current ; and in the afternoon 
hauled to shore on the left bank, where the Spaniards passed the 
rest of the day in a spacious wood. At night they re-embarked, 
and continued their course. On the following day, they landed 
near a village which the Indians had abandoned, and took a 
woman prisoner, who informed them that the cacique of Quigual- 
tanqui had assembled all his forces further down the river, and 
was waiting to attack them. 

This intelligence put them on their guard, but made them 
ready to suspect hostilities, where perhaps they were not intended. 
They had not proceeded much farther down the river, when, as they 
were foraging on shore, and carrying off provisions wherever they 
found them, they perceived a number of canoes hovering on the 
opposite side of the river, and, as they thought, menacing hostili- 



CONCERTED ATTACK 41* 



ties. The cross-bow men immediately leaped in the canoes that 
were astern of the brigantines, pushed across the river, and readily 
dispersed the savages. No sooner had the cross-bow men returned 
to the brigantines, and the latter got under weigh, than the light 
barks of the savages were again in sight ; keeping ahead of the 
squadron, and drawing up near a village that stood on a high 
bank, they seemed disposed to make battle. The canoes were 
again manned, the Indians were once more dispersed, and the 
Spaniards landing, set fire to the village ; after which, they en- 
camped for the night in an open plain. 

Whatever may have been the previous disposition and inten- 
tions of the Indians, they had now fair grounds for hostility ; nor 
did they fail to wage it to the utmost. On the following morn- 
ing, a powerful fleet of canoes was in sight, apparently the com- 
bined force of the hostile caciques. Some of them were of great 
size, with from fourteen to twenty-five paddles on a side, and car- 
ried from thirty to seventy warriors. They darted across the 
water with the speed of race horses. 

The canoes of the caciques, and some of the principal war- 
riors, were brilliantly painted, both within and without ; the pad- 
dles, the rowers, and even the warriors themselves, from the feet 
to the scalping tuft, were painted of one color. Some were blue, 
others yellow or white, red, green, violet or black, according to 
the device or taste of the chieftain. 

For that day, and part of the next, they followed the Span- 
iards without attacking them, keeping time in rowing by chanting 
wild songs of different cadences, short or long, slow or fast, accord- 
ing to the speed with which they desired to move, and closing each 
chant with a terrific and deafening yell, shouting the name of Qui- 
gualtanqui. The burthen of these wild war songs, was the chiv- 



418 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



alrous exploits of tlieir ancestors, and the daring deeds of thel? 
chieftain, by recalling the memory of which, they roused them- 
selves to battle. They proudly vaunted their own fearlessness 
and valor, while they taunted the Spaniards with cowardice in fly- 
ing from their arms, and threatened to overthrow them, and make 
them food for fishes. 

About noon of the second day, there was a movement among 
the fleet of canoes. They separated into three different divisions, 
forming a van, centre, and rear, and approached the right bank of 
the river. The canoes in the van then darted forward, glided along 
to the right of the brigantines, and crossing the river obliquely, 
discharged a shower of arrows, which wounded many Spaniards,, 
in spite of their shields and bulwarks. They then wheeled 
round, and recrossing the river in front of the brigantines, sta- 
tioned themselves on the rigiit bank. The second squadron 7 
composing the centre of the fleet, performed the same manoeuvre, 
and having discharged tlieir arrows, reerossed the river, and 
stationed themselves in front of the van. The rear did likewise, 
and then took up their position in front of all. 

As the caravels advanced, the Indians repeated their attack 
after the same manner, always returning to the right bank of the 
river. In this manner the savages battled with the Spaniards 
all the day long, never giving them a moment's rest, and breaking 
their repose during the night by incessant alarms. 

When the Spaniards were first attacked, they manned the 
canoes in which the horses were, for the purpose of protecting 
them, as they expected to combat hand to hand with the savages. 
Perceiving, however, the intention of the enemy to fight at a dis- 
tance, and gall them with their arrows, and finding themselves 
exposed to their fire, they returned to the brigantines, leaving 



SILVESTRE SENT FOR SUPPLIES. 419 



the horses with no other defence save the skins of animals thrown 
over them. 

In these contests, the Spaniards had to return the enemy's 
fire from their cross-bows, for their arquebuses had never been 
of use since the destruction of their gunpowder, at the conflagra- 
tion of Mauvila, and they had been wrought up with other articles 
into iron work for the brigantines. They sought not, however, 
to make offensive war, but merely to keep the enemy at bay, 
while the rowers plied their oars ; and they sheltered themselves 
as well as they were able, with buffalo skins, and shields made of 
double mats, through which an arrow could not penetrate. 

This harassing warfare continued for several days and nights, 
until most of the Spaniards were wounded, and all were worn out 
with fatigue and watching, and with the weight of their armor. 
Of the horses, also, only eight remained alive. The Indians, at 
length, desisted from their attacks, and hovered at the distance 
of half a league. 

The Governor, imagining they had given over all further hos- 
tilities, and supposing that the sea could be at no great distance 
ahead, was desirous of procuring a fresh supply of provisions. 
Observing a small village on the banks of the river, he sent Gron- 
zalo Silvestre on shore with a hundred men and the eight horses, 
to seek supplies. The inhabitants of the village fled with loud 
yells at the approach of such strange people, and strange animals. 
Silvestre found abundance of maize and dried fruits, with skins 
of different animals, and among the rest, a martin skin, decorated 
with strings of pearl, which appeared to have been used as a ban- 
ner. While he and his party were making plunder of every thing 
in their way, they heard the trumpet clamorously sounding their 

recall. Hurrying to the river bank, they beheld a fleet of canoes 

18* 



420 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



pulling towards them with all speed, while a band of Indians were 
running to cut them off by land. Springing into their canoes, 
they pulled with desperate exertions to the brigantines, abandon- 
ing the horses to their fate. The Indians turned to vent their 
fury upon the latter. The gallant animals defended themselves 
by kicking and plunging ; some of the savages were so frightened 
at what they took for ferocious beasts, that they leaped into the 
water ; the rest, however, hunted the poor horses like so many 
deer, transfixed them with their arrows, and made an end of 
them. 

Thus miserably perished the remnant of the three hundred 
and fifty noble steeds, that had entered Florida in such gorgeous 
array. As the Spaniards beheld these generous and faithful 
animals slaughtered before their eyes, without being able to aid 
them, they sorrowed deeply, and shed tears for them as though 
they had been their own children.* 

* Garcilaso de la Vega, Lib. vi. c. 5. Portuguese Relation, c. 38. 



CHAPTER XCI. 



CONTINUATION OP THE VOYAGE DOWN THE MISSISSIPPI THE POOL- 



HARDY EXPLOIT OF ESTEVAN ANEZ THE FEAT OF PEDRO MORON, 

THE HALF-BREED UNCERTAIN FATE OF DE GUZMAN. 

1543. 

The Indians continued to follow at some distance in the rear of 
the Spaniards, attacking any of their vessels that lagged behind, 
until the sixteenth day of this harassing voyage. 

On board of one of the brigantines was a soldier named 
Estevan Anez. He was of low birth, but had joined the expedi- 
tion as a trooper. His steed, though of sorry appearance, had 
proved tough and strong, and was among the last that perished. 
Owing to his being mounted, Anez had been engaged in some of 
the most perilous service of the expedition, and though he had 
never performed any thing of note, had gained the reputation of 
a gallant man. This, added to his natural rusticity and narrow 
spirit, had rendered him weak and vainglorious. This day he got 
into the canoe, attached to the stern of the brigantine, under 
pretence of going to speak with the governor, but in reality on a 
hare-brained project. He enticed with him five young cavaliers 
of buoyant spirits and daring valor, promising them some bril- 
liant exploit. One of them, Carlos Enriquez, scarce twenty years 



422 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA, 



of age, graceful in form, and with a countenance of surpassing 
beauty, was the natural son of Don Carlos Enriquez, who fell 
bravely fighting in the battle of Mauvila. 

Estevan Anez, with these five gallant young cavaliers, pulled 
directly for the Indian fleet that stretched across the river in the 
rear. The governor witnessing this mad freak, ordered the 
trumpets to sound a recall. The captains of the brigantines 
likewise shouted and made signs to them to return. The louder 
they shouted the more obstinate and vainglorious grew Estevan 
Anez, and instead of returning he made signs for the brigantines 
to follow him. When Luis de Moscoso beheld the stubbornness 
of this madman, he dispatched forty-six Spaniards in three canoes 
after him, vowing to hang him the moment he should be brought 
back. Juan de Guzman, the commander of one of the brigan- 
tines, was the first to leap into the canoe, followed by his friend 
Juan de Vargas, Guzman prided himself upon his skill in man- 
aging a canoe, and resisted the entreaties of his friends that he 
would remain in the brigantine. 

The savages perceiving their approach, made a retrograde 
movement, for the purpose of leading them away from the brig- 
antines, which, having furled their sails, were pulling slowly 
against the current to reinforce their comrades. Estevan Anez, 
however, being blinded by his sottish vanity, instead of mistrust- 
ing their designs, was deceived by this stratagem, and pulled 
with redoubled might towards them, crying, " they fly ! they fly f 
at them ! at them !" The other three canoes increased their ef- 
forts likewise, hoping either to detain him or lend him suceor. 

The Indians allowed their foes to draw nigh, then altered the 
disposition of their forces, the centre retreating, so as to form a 
half moon, and thus luring the Christians into the midst of them. 



FEAT OF PEDRO MORON. 423 



They then assailed them furiously in front and flank. Some leap- 
ed into the water and overturned the canoes of the Spaniards, 
many of whom were carried down by the weight of their armor 
and drowned. Some who kept themselves up by swimming were 
shot with arrows, or struck over the head with paddles, and others 
who clung to the overturned canoes were beaten off. In this 
manner, without being able to make the least defence, forty-eight 
Spaniards miserably perished. Four alone escaped. One was 
Pedro Moron, the half-breed, who was an expert swimmer, and 
exceedingly skilful in the management of a canoe ; he had fallen 
in the river, but with great dexterity and strength recovered his 
bark and made his escape, bearing off with him three other sol- 
diers. One of them, named Alvaro Nieto, battled alone and 
kept the savages at bay, whilst Pedro Moron guided the canoe ; 
but neither the prowess and valor of the one, nor the dexterity 
and skill of the other, would have availed them aught, had not 
the brigantine of Juan de Griizman fortunately been near. This 
bark was in advance of the rest, the crew having made greater 
exertion, aware that their much loved leader was in the midst of 
the affray ; thus they rescued four of their comrades. Another 
Spaniard, Juan Terron, reached the brigantine, but as his com- 
panions were raising him out of the water, he breathed his last 
in their arms, being pierced with more than fifty wounds. The 
survivors asserted that they had seen the gallant De G-uzman 
borne off by the Indians in one of their canoes, but whether dead 
or alive they could not tell. 

Luis de Moscoso once again arranged his fleet in order, and 
resumed his eventful voyage, deeply lamenting the loss of these 
generous and valiant cavaliers. 

This was the last assault of the savages, for they seemed satis- 



424 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



fied with this signal blow. All the rest of the day, and during 
the doleful night that succeeded, they kept up continual shouts 
and yells of triumph. When the sun rose on the following day 
they appeared to worship him and to return thanks for their 
victory, then raising a deafening din of voices, mingled with the 
sound of trumpets, shells, and drums, they turned their prows 
up the river and departed for their homes. 



CHAPTER XCII. 

THE SPANIARDS REACH THE OCEAN DISEMBARK ON AN ISLAND OF 

DRIFT-WOOD FIERCE ENCOUNTER WITH THE NATIVES OF THE 

COAST THEY ANCHOR OFF AN UNINHABITED ISLAND. 

1543. 

The poor harassed Spaniards once more began to breathe, when 
they saw their cruel enemies depart. They now cast about their 
thoughts as to their position. The river had expanded until it 
was several leagues in breadth, so that, when in the midst, they 
could not descry firm land on either side ; nothing was to be seen 
but a border of swamp or marsh, with tall reeds, that looked like 
forests at a distance. The departure of the Indians led them to 
conjecture that the sea was near at hand. Keeping the centre of 
the current, therefore, lest they should wander into some deep 
bay, they continued onward, with sail and oar and favoring breeze, 
until on the twentieth day, a broad expanse of water opened before 
them. On their left lay a large island, formed by vast quantities 
of drift-wood, swept down the river and piled up by the waves. 
About a league further was an uninhabited island, such as is often 
found at the mouths of great rivers, formed by alluvial deposits. 
The Spaniards were convinced by these signs, that they had 
reached the mouth of the river, and that the boundless ocean lay 
before them. 

They now steered for the island of drift-wood, and found a 



426 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



secure harbor for their brigantines ; for they could lay them 
along side of the floating masses of timber, which rose and fell with 
the tide, and, fastening them to trunks of huge trees which lay 
imbedded there, leave them as secure as if at a pier head. Here, 
then, they landed, and overhauled their vessels, to repair any 
damage that they might have sustained, and to fit them for the 
buffetings of the ocean. Others killed the few hogs that yet re- 
mained alive, and made them into bacon. These labors, however, 
required but little time ; the great object in landing on the island 
was repose ; and so exhausted were they from the constant watch- 
fulness they had been obliged to sustain for three weeks past, that 
during three days they did little else than sleep ; and that so 
profoundly, that they lay about like so many dead bodies. 

About noon on the third day, they were roused from their 
repose by the appearance of enemies. Seven canoes issued from 
among reeds and rushes, and approaching within hail, a gigantic 
Indian, black as an Ethiopian, either from paint or natural com- 
plexion, stood up in the prow of the foremost, and addressed them 
in a thundering voice. After a brief harangue, accompanied by 
menacing looks and gestures, he turned his prow, and, followed 
by his companions, shot back again among the rushes ; where, 
from time to time, other canoes were perceived gliding about as 
if in ambush. 

On the words of this black warrior being explained, as they 
were partially understood by the Indian domestics, they proved to 
be insulting epithets, and threats of hostility. The governor fear- 
ed they might put their threats into execution, and attempt to sur- 
prise him in the night, and burn his vessels ; he determined there- 
fore to be beforehand with them, and strike the first blow. He ac- 
cordingly detached a party of picked men, in five canoes, to beat up 



[NDIAN ARMAMENT. 427 



the cane-brake. Among them were twenty-two cross-bow men and 
three archers. One of these archers was an Englishman by birth ; 
another had lived in England from his boyhood nntil his twenty- 
eighth year, and had acquired there his skill with the long-bow 
and the cloth-yard arrow, for which the English were renowned. 
Throughout the expedition these two archers had used no other 
weapon, and had been noted for their deadly aim. The third 
archer was an Indian, servant of the gallant Juan de Guzman, who 
had fallen in the late battle, whom he had served faithfully on all 
occasions, with bow and arrow, since his first landing in Florida. 

The detachment was commanded by Gonzalo Silvestre and 
Alvaro Nieto. They discovered the canoes of the enemy drawn 
up in battle array among the rushes, in formidable numbers. The 
savages waited until they were within bow-shot, when, having let 
fly a cloud of arrows that wounded several soldiers, they swept 
in among the rushes, and came to a second stand. In this way, 
they fired and wheeled about, and came again to the charge like 
so many horsemen. The cross-bow men and the three archers 
kept up a well directed fire, and galled the Indians excessively ; 
at length the Spaniards were able to come to close quarters, over- 
turned three of the canoes of the enemy, killed several of the 
crew, and put the whole armament to flight. They however came 
out of this affray very roughly handled ; most of them were 
wounded, and among the number, the two commanders. 

Fearing an attack in the night, and that fire might be set to 
the vessels, the governor embarked all the forces and made sail 
for the uninhabited island, under the lea of which he anchored, 
in forty fathoms of water. All that night the Spaniards slept on 
their arms, on board of their vessels, ready for action ; the enemy, 
however, offered no further molestation. 



CHAPTER XCIII. 

A COUNCIL OF OFFICERS CALLED TO DETERMINE UPON THEIR FUTURE 
COURSE THEY SET SAIL ANASCO PREVAILS UPON THEM TO FOL- 
LOW HIS ADVICE. 

1543. 

When the day dawned, the governor called a council of his offi- 
cers to determine what course to steer. To attempt to cross to 
Cuba or Hispaniola was considered entirely out of the question : 
as they knew not in what quarter to seek them, nor were they 
provided with nautical instruments necessary for such a voyage : 
it was determined, therefore, to make for the coast of Mexico, or 
New Spain : in seeking which, they would have the land always 
on their right, to resort to as occasion required. 

Juan de Anasco now stood forth with his usual bustling zeal, 
whenever any important measure was to be adopted. He piqued 
himself much on his knowledge of maritime affairs, as he did upon 
various other kinds of knowledge, and declared that, according to 
maps which he had seen, the coast from the place where he sup- 
posed them to be, bore east and west to the river of Palms, and 
from that river to New Spain it ran north and south, making a 
complete bend or gulf. He advised, therefore, that they should 
put out to sea in a south-west direction, so as to steer across the 
gulf; by this route they might reach the Mexican shores in ten 



COUNCIL OF OFFICERS. 429 



or twelve days, whereas, if they kept near the land, and followed 
the windings of the coast, the voyage would necessarily be pro- 
longed, and they might be overtaken by winter before they could 
reach a Christian country. To illustrate his ideas, he drew a 
rough sea-chart, according to his notions of the coast, upon a piece 
of parchment, made from a deer's skin ; he also produced an old 
astrolabe, which, being of metal, had escaped the conflagration at 
Mauvila, and which he had preserved with curious care ; and a 
forestall, which he had made from a carpenter's rule ; with these 
to take observations and to steer by, he offered to pilot the squad- 
ron across the gulf, to the shores of New Spain. 

The governor was at first inclined to adopt this council, espe- 
cially as it was concurred in by some of the officers. The major- 
ity, however, opposed it ; partly through doubts of the nautical 
knowledge of Juan de Anasco, who they knew had but little 
practical experience ; partly, perhaps, from jealousy of the lead 
so often given to him in services of moment, but chiefly because 
of the real dangers of his proposition. They argued, that the 
brigantines, being so slightly built, and without decks, would be 
in danger of foundering in the least storm. That their peril 
would be almost equally great on the high sea, in calms or head 
winds, from the want of fresh water, having so few casks to put 
it in. And that it would be the height of rashness to attempt to 
cross a vast and unknown gulf without a compass to steer by, and 
an experienced pilot to direct them. They concluded, therefore, 
that, though it might be the slower, it would be the far surer 
course to keep along the coast, where they could land occasionally 
for supplies, and take refuge in creeks, and bays, and river 
mouths, in case of tempestuous weather. This council finally 
prevailed, much to the chagrin of Juan de Anasco. 



430 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



Orders were now given to make sail, when, as they were weigh- 
ing anchor, the cable of the governor's brigantine parted. Un- 
fortunately, there was no buoy to mark the place, and the water 
was extremely deep. For six hours the most expert divers were 
employed in search of it, but in vain : so they had to supply its 
place with a heavy stone, and the bits from the troopers' bridles, 
to increase the weight. 

It was not until three o'clock in the afternoon that they made 
sail. The governor took the lead, and close to his brigantine was 
that commanded hy De Anasco. They kept on for two or three 
leagues into the broad sea, when the captains of the other vessels 
bore up. and, hailing the governor, demanded whether he intended 
to quit the shore, contrary to the resolution of the council ; de- 
claring that if he did so, they would abandon him, and take each 
one his own course. 

Moscoso replied, that he did but stand to sea to sail with 
more security during the night, but that he would return to the 
coast in the day time. All that night, and the next day, they 
kept on with a fair wind, ancL/to their surprise, in fresh water, 
owing to the immense quantity disembogued by the Mississippi. 
About nightfall, they anchored at a small rocky island, that they 
might take a little repose. 

Here the zealous Juan de Anasco again produced his deer- 
skin chart, and inveighed against the loss of time and labor in 
thus creeping pusillanimousLy along the shore, instead of stand- 
ing boldly across the gulf. His arguments at length prevailed, 
and. on the following morning, with one consent, they all stood 
out to sea. For two days the stout Juan de Anasco piloted them 
triumphantly with the aid of his astrolabe and forestafF, and fre- 
quent consultations of the deer-skin chart ; at length the water 



A DESTITUTE CONDITION. 431 



growing scanty, they felt inclined to stand toward to shore, but 
were met in the teeth by a contrary wind. 

Two days did this wind continue, and kept them beating 
about in the high seas until their water was nearly expended. 
Bitterly now did they curse Juan de Anasco for giving his ad- 
vice, and the governor for following it, and swore that if they 
once more got in with the land, they would keep along it, let 
Moscoso and his nautical counsellor take what course they 
pleased. On the fourth day, when they were at their last drop 
of water, the wind veered a little, and, plying every oar, they 
made for land. Those on board of the vessels who knew any 
thing of nautical matters now vented their spleen upon Juan de 
Anasco as a meddling pretender, who had never been at sea be- 
fore this expedition, and knew nothing of maritime affairs ; and 
the common soldiers made merry at the expense of his astrolabe 
and deer-skin chart. This coming to the ears of the irritable 
Anasco, he flung his forestaff into the sea, with the chart, which 
was tied to it, and would have sent the astrolabe after them, but 
that prudence tempered his wrath. Fortunately, the forestaff 
and chart floated, and were picked up by the brigantines which 
followed, and Juan de Anasco was gradually pacified. He seems, 
in fact, to have been the person in the squadron who had the best 
notion of their situation and true course, and his idea of the run 
of the coast was in the main correct. 



CHAPTER XCIV. 

VESSELS IN DANGER OF STRANDING COME TO SOME SMALL ISLANDS, 

WHERE THEY REPAIR THE BRIGANTINES OVERTAKEN BY A VIO- 
LENT GALE, AND TWO CARAVELS DRIVEN TO SEA MUTINY OF 

JUAN GAYTAN'S CREW. 

1543. 

It was with much toil and difficulty that the Spaniards rowed to 
shore, where they landed on a sand beach without shelter. In the 
evening the wind freshened up directly from the south, and drove 
the vessels from their weak anchors, so that they were in danger 
of stranding. The crews were obliged to leap in the water, and 
bear up against them to keep them from bilging. When the wind 
had subsided, they dug pits in the sand, from which they procured 
fresh water enough to fill their casks. In this way they supplied 
themselves with water throughout the voyage, whenever there were 
no springs or streams at hand. After sailing about fifteen days, 
they came to four or five small islands, not far from the main land. 
Here they found innumerable quantities of sea-birds, that built 
their nests upon the sand, and so close together, that it was almost 
impossible to walk without treading upon them. The men land- 
ed, and returned to the vessels laden with eggs and young birds 
which were almost too fat to eat. Threading these islands, they 
coasted along until they came to a beautiful beach, free from rushes, 



CLOUDS OF MOSQUITOES. 433 



skirted by a grove of large trees, clear of Lush, brake, or under- 
wood. Here they found great quantities of that scum of the sea. 
called copeck, resembling pitch. They therefore remained here 
several days careening their brigantines on the beach, calking 
their seams, and paying them with this copeck, mixed with hog's- 
lard. While thus employed they were visited several times by 
a few of the natives, armed with bows and arrows, but pacific in 
their conduct, who brought maize to give in exchange for skins. 
Continuing their voyage, the Spaniards were exceedingly molest- 
ed in some parts of the coast by clouds of mosquitoes, so viru- 
lent in their sting, that the faces of the men were swollen out of 
all shape, and it was necessary to stand by the rowers and drive 
off these pestilent insects from their heads a? they labored at the 
oar. 

"When the weather was pleasant the men fished, while others 
went on shore and gathered shell-fish, for they were on short al- 
lowance, their pork being expended, and but little maize remain- 
ing, Some of the fish taken were of a very large size, one of 
which jerked with such violence as to pull the unwary fisherman 
into the water. 

For fifty-three days did the Spaniards keep on along the 
coast, steering to the westward. A great part of the time, how- 
ever, was expended in occasionally repairing the vessels, in fish- 
ing, and in sheltering themselves from rough weather. Juan de 
Anasco insisted that, from the distance they had come, they could 
not be far from the river of Palms, from which, as he had be- 
fore represented, according to his recollections of -the map he had 
seen, the coast bore from north to south. The fleet stood a little 
out to sea, and the next morning early they perceived palm-trees 
raising above the surface of the water at a distance, and observed 



434 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



that the coast actually lay north and south. In the afternoon 
high mountains began to loom up afar off. the first they had seen 
on any part of the sea coast since their first landing at Espiritu 
Santo. The opinions of Juan de Anasco now rose in estimation, 
and it was concluded that they had passed the river of Palms in 
the night time. If so, they could not be above sixty leagues from 
the river of Panuco, in the neighborhood of Spanish settlements. 
They had not proceeded far, however, when a violent gale rose 
from the north. Five of the brigantines, among them that of 
the governor, made for the land, the other two caravels, one un- 
der the command of the treasurer, Juan Gaytan, who, since the 
untimely death of De Guzman, had remained sole captain, and 
the other, commanded by Juan de Alvorado and Christoval 
Mosquera, not taking timely warning of the coming gale, stood 
off too far from the coast, and were consequently exposed all the 
night long to the fury of the tempest. The caravel of Juan 
Gaytan was at one time in imminent peril. A sudden flaw of 
wind struck her and wrenched the mast out of the beam in which 
it rested, and it was with the utmost difficulty they could again 
right it. When morning dawned, the gale, instead of lulling, as 
the mariners had predicted, raged with renewed violence. They 
observed the other five brigantines enter some river or creek, and 
anchor in safety : this stimulated them to redouble their efforts 
to reach their companions. It was all in vain, however, for the 
wind was exactly ahead, and by their fruitless struggles, they 
were several times in danger of foundering. Still, they persist- 
ed until the afternoon, when, convinced that they were toiling to 
no purpose, they bore off, and ran along the coast with the wind 
on the quarter, the billows all the while breaking over them, so 
that they were in the utmost danger of being swamped. 



THREATENED MUTINY. 485 

For six and twenty hours did this gale continue with unabat- 
ed fury, during which time the Spaniards were struggling with 
the winds and waves, without a moment's repose, and scarcely 
tasting food. Just as the sun was going down, their was a cry 
of '• land ahead ! ; ' A boy named Franciseo, who was in the brig- 
antine under the command of Juan de Alvorado and Francisco 
Mosquera, said to these captains, " Senores, I know this coast 
ahead, as I have visited it twice before, as cabin-boy of a ship ; 
the dark land stretching along to the left is a rough and rock- 
bound coast, extending to the harbor of Vera Cruz. In all that 
distance there is neither port nor shelter, but it is studded with 
sharp pointed rocks, which, if we strike, all will be lost. The 
light-colored land turning off to the right is a soft sand beach, 
whieh we can attain ere nightfall ; should the wind drive us upon 
those dark and gloomy shores, we have little chance of our lives !" 

So soon as the vessels drew nigh to each other, the two cap- 
tains warned Juan G-aytan and his crew of their danger. They 
immediately determined to shape their course for the white shore. 
But Juan Gaytan, who was a better treasurer than captain, oppos- 
ed this measure, saying it was not well thus to lose a valuable 
bark This exasperated the crew, who began to mutiny and 
murmur, " Is this vessel of more worth than our lives ?" said 
they. " You presume upon your rank of royal treasurer. Did 
you cut wood, or make charcoal for the forges, or beat out the 
iron for the nails, or ealk the vessel, or do any thing else 1 No ! 
you excused yourself as an officer of the Emperor; pray, then, 
what do you lose if the brigantine is wrecked ?" 

Upon this the principal soldiers sat to work trimming the sails, 

and a Portuguese, named Domingos de Acosta, seized the helm, 

and turned the prow of the bark towards the desired shore. Af- 

19 



436 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



ter making several tacks, they struck upon the sand-beach, be- 
fore the sun had set, and succeeded in unlading and hauling the 
vessel on dry land. The other brigantine effected a landing in a 
similar manner, and with like success. 



CHAPTER XCV. 

EXPEDITION OF GONZALO SILVESTRE TO OBTAIN INFORMATION ABOUT 

THE COUNTRY WHAT HAPPENED TO MOSCOSO AND THE REST OF 

THE FLEET HOW THE SPANIARDS WERE RECEIVED BY THE IN- 
HABITANTS OF PANUCO. 

1543. 

The crews of the two barks now assembled together to decide 
what was to be done. It was unanimously resolved to send mes- 
sengers to seek the governor, and bear him tidings of their situ- 
ation. But who would undertake this perilous journey'? They 
would have to travel thirteen or fourteen leagues through an un- 
known land, ford rivers, and peradventure encounter enemies. 

Gronzalo Quadrado Xaramillo and Francisco Mufizo under- 
took the task. Taking a small supply of provisions, and buck- 
ling on their shields and swords, they set forth at midnight on 
their hazardous errand, 

Their comrades then returned to their brigantines, posted 
sentries, and slept until the following morning. No sooner was 
it light, than they chose three captains to set out, each with 
twenty men, to obtain information respecting the country. One 
party followed the coast to the north, another to the south, and the 
third, under Gonzalo Silvestre, struck in a westwardly direction 
to penetrate into the interior. 



438 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



The two first named parties returned in a short time, one 
bringing a half dish of white porcelain, of Spanish manufacture, 
the other a broken porringer of painted earthenware. The rap- 
ture of their comrades is easier to be conceived than described at 
beholding these signs of the neighborhood of some Spanish set- 
tlement. 

Gonzalo Silvestre and his band penetrated a little more than 
a quarter of a league, when, from a hillock, they beheld a beauti- 
ful lake of fresh water spread out before them, a half league in 
extent Upon its waters were several canoes, with Indians fish- 
ing. Fearing that these might see them, and spread the alarm, 
they struck into a wood that bordered the lake, and keeping 
silently on for a quarter of a league, they espied two Indians be- 
neath a huge guava-tree, gathering the fruit. Dragging them- 
selves along on the ground among the herbage until near at 
hand, they rose at the same time, and rushed to seize them. One 
of the Indians plunged into the lake, and escaped by swimming ; 
the other they took prisoner. They made prize of two baskets 
of guavas, a Mexican turkey, two Spanish fowls, and some maize, 
and then pushed for the vessels. 

On arriving at the sea-shore, they found their comrades joy- 
fully examining the tokens of civilization found by the two captains. 
When, however, they beheld the articles brought by Silvestre and 
his party, they leaped and danced about like mad. At length a 
surgeon, who had formerly been in Mexico, asked the Indian the 
name of a pair of scissors he held in his hand. He immediately 
called it by its Spanish name. This convinced them that they 
were in the territory of Mexico, and so overjoyed were they that 
they embraced Silvestre and his men, and hoisting that captain 
upon their shoulders, bore him about the shore in triumph. 



HOSPITABLE RECEPTION. 439 



When this wild ebullition of joy was over, they inquired more 
particularly concerning the country. They learnt that the river 
into which Luis de Moscoso, with the five brigantines, had taken 
refuge, was the Panuco ; and that on its banks, twelve leagues 
above, stood a city of the same name. The Indian told them, 
moreover, that about a league off, lived a cacique, who could read 
and write, and had been educated by the priests. 

These joyful tidings gladdened their hearts, and having feast- 
ed the Indian, and given him presents, they dispatched him to 
the Christian cacique, with a request that he would either bring 
or send a supply of ink and paper. He soon returned, and with 
him the cacique, followed by a train of eight Indians, laden with 
fowls, bread of maize, and various fruits and fish, together with 
paper and ink. The Spaniards immediately sent off an Indian 
with a letter to Moscoso, giving him an account of all that had 
happened, and requesting 'directions as to their future move- 
ments. 

In the mean time, the governor, Moscoso, when with his five 
brigantines he took refuge in the river from the gale, beheld, to 
his great joy, several Indians on shore clothed in the Spanish 
fashion. Calling out to them in Spanish, he demanded in what 
country they were. The Indians answered in the same language, 
that they were on the river of Panuco, and that the town was not 
fifteen leagues distant. Upon this the Spaniards leaped on shore, 
kissed the ground repeatedly, and throwing themselves on their 
knees, poured out their thanks to G-od. 

They now made the best of their way to the town of Panuco, 
where, in a few days, they were rejoined by their shipwrecked 
comrades. Their first act on entering the town was to repair to 
the church, and offer up thanks to Grod for having preserved them 



440 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



through so many perils and hardships. The burghers of the 
town crowded to the church to offer them assistance. The cor- 
regidor took Moscoso into his house as his guest ; the others were 
quartered among the inhabitants. 

The town was for the most part built of stone, and contained 
about seventy families, who lived simply but abundantly, the 
wealthiest not having above five hundred crowns of income. Many 
of the inhabitants, however, were courteous cavaliers, and all were 
touched with pity at beholding this forlorn remnant of the gallant 
armament, that had created such a noise on its outset from Cuba. 

The survivors in fact were blackened, haggard, shrivelled, and 
half naked, being clad only with the skins of deer, buffaloes, bears, 
and other animals, so that, says the Spanish narrator, they looked 
more like wild beasts than human beings. 



CHAPTER XCVL 

DISCONTENTS AND BROILS AMONG THE SOLDIERY — -THEIR SUBSEQUENT 

FORTUNES, 

1543. 

The chief magistrate of Panuco dispatched a messenger forth- 
with to Don Antonio de Mendoza, the viceroy of Mexico, which 
city lay some seventy leagues distant, to apprise him that a small 
remnant of Hernando de Soto's army had returned from Florida. 
The viceroy sent word, without delay, that they should he shown 
every kindness and honor, and furnished with whatever was neces- 
sary for their journey, when sufficiently recovered from their 
fatigues. He accompanied his message with a supply of shirts 
and sandals, and also four mules laden with delicacies and medi- 
cines for the sick. 

Luis de Moscoso and his men, while sojourning in this city, 
had time to reflect upon the beautiful country they had abandoned, 
and they began to draw comparisons between it and Panuco. 
They found that here the people were but indifferently circum- 
stanced, having neither mines of gold nor silver, nor any other 
treasure. Their dress was mere garments of cotton ; their only 
source of wealth the breeding of horses, and planting mulberry- 
trees. They now began to retrace in memory the beautiful pro- 



442 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



vinces they had discovered ; their wild fertility and prodigal 
abundance ; their capabilities for raising maize and grain and 
vegetables ; their verdant meadows and rich pasturages ; their 
vast tracts of woodland, watered by running streams, so well 
adapted to the raising of herds and flocks. Bat above all, they 
called to mind the treasures of pearls, which they had not appre- 
ciated, as each one had fancied himself lord of boundless domains. 

Turning these things over in their minds, they began to mur- 
mur among themselves. " Could we not," said they, " have dwelt 
in Florida as these Spaniards live in Panuco ? and had we re- 
mained and settled there, would we not have been more opulent 
than these our hosts 1 Is it well, that we should come and re- 
ceive alms and hospitality from others poorer than ourselves, 
when we might have entertained all Spain ? Is it just or credit- 
able to our honor, that we, who might have been chieftains, have 
come to beg? Better far would it have been to have bravely 
perished there, than to live here in poverty !" 

These murmurings and repinings produced violent discord 
among them. Their greatest rage, however, was against the offi- 
cers of the royal revenue, and the captains and cavaliers, who, 
after the death of the governor Hernando de Soto, had insisted 
upon leaving Florida, and had obstinately forced Luis de Mos- 
coso to undertake that long and disastrous journey to the pro- 
vince of Los Yaqueros, instead of sending two brigantines for 
reinforcements, as had been intended. Several affrays took place, 
in which blood was shed and some lives lost. The officers and 
cavaliers were fain to keep within doors, and the town was con- 
tinually distracted by the broils between the soldiery. 

The corregidor of Panuco, finding that this discord increased 
from day to day, sent word to the viceroy, Bon Antonio de Men- 



ARRIVAL AT MEXICO. 448 



doza, who ordered them to be sent immediately to Mexico, in 
bands of ten and twenty, and that care should be taken to se- 
parate those who were at variance, lest they should fight by the 
road. 

In pursuance of this order, they left Panuco twenty-five days 
after their arrival there. The inhabitants along the road throng- 
ed to see them ; eager to behold men who had survived such toils 
and endured such hardships. The fame of their great sufferings 
and daring exploits had spread throughout the land, and both 
Indians and Spaniards entertained them with great kindness and 
hospitality throughout their journey. When they arrived at the 
renowned city of Mexico, throngs of the citizens flocked out to 
receive them, and conducted them to their homes, where they 
feasted them and clothed them in sumptuous apparel. The vice- 
roy treated the governor and his officers with distinguished at- 
tention, and extended his kindness to the humblest of their fol- 
lowers. 

Some of the skins and furs which the army brought with them 
were highly prized in Mexico. A few strings of pearls, also, 
which remained among them, proved to be of immense value. 
The beautiful martin skins, however, were valued above all. 
Finding that men of wealth prized so highly what they had des- 
pised, their despondency increased ; they brooded bitterly over 
their folly in abandoning a country which had cost them so dearly 
to discover, and where these valuable articles abounded. Discon- 
tented with themselves, they forgot their former companionship 
and brotherhood in arms, and again broke out into fierce and san- 
guinary brawls. 

The viceroy, to console them, promised that, if they desired 

to return to Florida, he would himself undertake the conquest 

19* 



444 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



of the country ; in fact, he had an inclination for the enterprise, 
and offered employment and salaries to many of the officers and 
men, to occupy them whilst he should make preparations. Some 
accepted these appointments ; but most of them, when put to the 
proof, shrunk from returning to a country where they had suffer- 
ed so many hardships. 

The enterprising spirit of the stout-hearted Juan de Anasco 
was somewhat broken by disappointment, and, disgusted with the 
new world, where he had squandered his fortune, he returned to 
Spain. Juan G-aytan, the treasurer, the brave Baltazar de Gal- 
legos, the veteran Pedro Calderon, Alonso Homo de Cardenos, 
Arias Tinoco, and many others of less note, followed the example 
of De Anasco. Gromez Suarez de Figueroa returned home, to the 
estate of his father, the magnificent old cavalier, Yasco Porcallo 
de Figueroa. Some entered into the priesthood : a few remained 
in New Spain, among whom was the governor, Luis de Moscoso 
de Alvorado, who married a relative, a woman of rank and riches 
in Mexico. The greatest number, however, went to seek their 
fortunes in Peru. 



CHAPTER XCVIL 

THE VOYAGES OF MALDONADO AND GOMEZ ARIAS IN SEARCH OP DE 
SOTO DEATH OF DONA ISABEL DE BOBADILLA. 

1543. 

To close this eventful history, it only remains to give some ac- 
count of the movements of the two generous and loyal cavaliers 
Diego Moldonado and Gomez Arias. The former, as we have be- 
fore related, set sail from Espiritu Santo, for the Havana, with 
two brigantines, to visit Dona Isabel de Bobadilla, the wife of the 
governor Hernando de Soto ; Gromez Arias having preceded him 
in a caravel. These two cavaliers were to procure vessels in Ha- 
vana, load them with supplies of food and arms, and munitions 
of war, and sail for the port of Achusi in the course of the fol- 
lowing autumn, where De Soto, after exploring the interior of 
Florida, was to meet them. 

They accordingly joined each other in the Havana, and, hav- 
ing sent to all the adjacent islands an account of the discovery 
of Florida, purchased three vessels and freighted them with sup- 
plies, and also loaded down the two brigantines and the caravel 
in which they came. They could, moreover, have laden two other 
vessels ; for the inhabitants of the islands, hearing such a favor- 
able report of Florida, prompted by their own interest as well as 



446 CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



by their love for the governor, sent all the provisions they could 
gather together. 

The two captains set sail, and reached in safety the port of 
Achusi ; but not finding De Soto there, they separated and coast- 
ed in opposite directions, thinking it probable that he might 
have come out at some other place, either to the eastward or west- 
ward. They left signals in the trees and letters in the crevices 
of the bark, with statements of their intended movements the 
following summer, and after cruising about in vain until the win- 
ter set in, they returned dejected to the Havana. The subse- 
quent summer of the year 1541, they re-visited the shores of 
Florida, running along the coast as far to the westward as Mex- 
ico, and a great distance to the eastward, but meeting with no 
success, they returned to the Havana on the approach of winter. 
Early the ensuing summer they again sailed for Florida, and af- 
ter having consumed seven months in fruitless search, were com- 
pelled by the weather to return and winter in Cuba. 

Determined, however, not to give up the search until they 
had discovered traces of De Soto, for they could not believe that 
every soul of the expedition had perished, as soon as the spring 
of 1543 opened, they once again put to sea. They cruised about 
all this summer, suffering grievous privations and excessive labor, 
and about the middle of October arrived at Vera Cruz. Here 
they heard the melancholy account that the Spaniards had aban- 
doned Florida, that only three hundred of the gallant army had 
escaped, and that the governor, Hernando de Soto, had perished 
in the country he sought to conquer. With these sad tidings 
the two faithful captains repaired to Havana, and imparted them 
to Dona Isabel de Bobadilla. During three long years she had 
been racked with anxiety for the safety of her husband, and now 



DISASTROUS RESULTS. 447 



came the news of the failure of his magnificent enterprise, the 
loss of his vast treasures, the ruin of his estate, the downfall of his 
house, and his own melancholy death. It was an overwhelming 
blow ; Dona Isabel never held up her head from this time, but 
died soon after of a broken heart. 

Such was the fruitless and tragical end of the vaunted con- 
quest of Florida : one of the most splendid and chivalrous expe- 
ditions to the new world, and one of the most disastrous. Never 
had a more gallant train of youthful cavaliers embarked on a 
crusade beyond the ocean ; never had adventurers embarked with 
lighter hearts, more fearless souls, or more sanguine expectations. 
Their vaunting preparations in the island of Cuba, and their tri- 
umphant landing on the shores of Florida, partake of the swell- 
ing spirit of the nation and the age ; nor is it possible to follow 
them through their subsequent career of blasted hope and baffled 
enterprise, without having our admiration incessantly elicited by 
their defiance of danger, their persevering struggles against dif- 
ficulties and almost impossibilities, and their manly, unshrinking 
fortitude, under hardships of every kind. 

If at times our feelings revolt at the outrages committed by 
them upon the poor Indians, and by their wrongs towards those 
native chieftains who fought and fell so heroically in the defence 
of their homes ; yet, our indignation passes away and is forgot- 
ten in the melancholy fate of the invaders. Scarce three years 
had elapsed from the time of their embarkation at Cuba, when 
nearly the whole train of youthful cavaliers had passed away : 
horse and rider alike had perished, and their bones lay bleaching 
amidst the savage wilds of America ! 



APPENDIX. 



As the principal authority cited in the foregoing work is Garcilaso 
de la Vega, a few particulars concerning him and his writings may be 
acceptable to the reader. He was a Peruvian by birth, a native of the 
city of Cuzco. His father was a Spanish adventurer of noble descent, 
and his mother the sister of Huayna Capac, the last of the renowned 
Incas. Hearing much in his youth of the land of his father, he left his 
country and repaired to Spain, where he took up his residence at Cor- 
dova, and soon distinguished himself by his translation of the dialogues 
of love of Leon Hebreos, and by his royal commentaries on the History 
of the Incas. These won him the favor of the sovereigns and the es- 
teem of the learned. Don Gabriel Deza de Cardenas, in his preface to 
the second edition of Garcilaso's History of Florida, remarks, that he 
was admired by the world as a man of piety, virtue, modesty, and de- 
votion to letters, and held in the highest estimation as a historian. He 
died in Cordova, in 1616, and was honorably interred in the Cathedral, 
in one of the chapels, called the chapel of Garcilaso ; where monumen- 
tal inscriptions on each side of the altar record his valor, his virtues, and 
his literary merits. 

Such is the general character of Garcilaso de la Vega ; which will 
enable the reader in some measure to judge of his credibility as a his- 
torian. In his introduction to his work on Florida, he gives an account 
of the sources from whence he drew his facts. He says that he had 
frequently, and in divers places, held long conversations with an old 
friend, who had been present in the expedition of Hernando de Soto ; 
and that, struck with the achievements both of the Spaniards and 



450 APPENDIX. 



Indians, related by this cavalier, he determined to rescue such heroic 
deeds from oblivion, by recording them in history. His laudable resolve 
was for a time, however, postponed. He was called to lay down the 
pen and take up the sword ; other causes concurred to separate them, 
and thus twenty years elapsed before he could carry his plan into ex- 
ecution. 

The desire, however, of perpetuating this heroic expedition, and the 
names of the brave men concerned in it, increased with his years ; and, 
fearing that the death either of his friend or of himself, might defeat 
his wishes, he left his home and took up his residence for a time in the 
village where the cavalier resided. Here he took down the particulars 
of the expedition, as related by word of mouth, questioning and re- 
questioning his friend minutely and repeatedly, as to persons, and 
places, and transactions; thus stimulating his memory, and drawing 
piecemeal from it those anecdotes of individual prowess and adventure 
which give such stirring interest and vivacity to his narrative. 

He does not give the name of his friend, but says he was a brave 
soldier, who had been present in all the scenes of the expedition, and 
had many times acted as leader, in the exploits he related. He adds 
that he was of noble rank, a hidalgo, and as such, piqued himself on ut- 
tering nothing but the truth. Such confidence was placed in his vera- 
city, that the council royal of the Indies frequently sent for him to con- 
sult him about the events that chanced in this and in other expeditions 
in which he had been engaged. 

Besides the oral testimony of this cavalier, the Inca informs us that 
he had likewise written documents from two other soldiers who were 
engaged in the expedition. One of them, named Alonzo de Carmona, 
a native of the town of Priego, having returned to Spain, wrote his 
'' Two Peregrinations," as he called them, in Florida and Peru. They 
contained brief notices of facts and circumstances, skipping from one re- 
markable transaction to another, without much regard to dates or places, 
or the regular succession of events. These memoirs he sent to Garci- 
laso de la Vega, for his inspection ; not knowing at the time that he was 
occupied on a history of the expedition. 

The other soldier was Juan Coles, a native of Zafra; who likewise 
wrote an irregular and brief notice of the principal events of the expe- 
dition. This he gave to a Franciscan monk, named Fray Pedro Aguado ; 
who incorporated it in a collection of narratives relative to the new world, 



APPENDIX. 451 



which he intended to publish. The manuscripts of the friar, however, 
remained in a crude and neglected state, in the hands of a printer in 
Cordova; where the Inca found them, covered with dust and half de- 
stroyed by rats. There was nearly a ream of paper, divided into quires, 
in the handwriting of the different narrators. From among these the 
Inca extracted the manuscript of Juan Coles, shortly after he had receiv- 
ed that of Alonzo de Carmona. At the time that these documents fell 
into his hands, he had already completed his narrative, as taken from the 
lips of his friend; but, having now two additional eye-witnesses, he 
went over the whole subject anew, availing himself of the particulars 
thus unexpectedly furnished him, to corroborate, strengthen, and enlarge 
the details already recorded. 

Such are the sources from whence Garcilaso de la Vega derived his 
facts, and for which we have the guarantee of his general character as a 
man of judgment and veracity. His account of the expedition of Her- 
nando de Soto was held in such credit in former times, and by those most 
capable of judging, that it was incorporated almost at full length, by 
Herrera, the great Spanish historian, in his history of American dis- 
covery. 



ROUTE OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 

To assist any future research as to the route of Hernando de Soto 
and his followers, we here subjoin the various marchings, the distances 
and points of the compass, as gleaned from different parts of the Span- 
ish and Portuguese narratives. They will be seen to be contradic- 
tory and exaggerated, and have frequently caused us great perplexity. 
We have endeavored to guide ourselves through the maze they present, 
by certain general landmarks, and by the researches of various travel- 
lers. 

Indeed, the Inca himself remarks, " I cannot hold myself responsible 
for the accuracy of the distances I give, for, although I have spared no 
exertion, and have used all diligence to arrive at the truth, yet I have 
been unavoidably compelled to leave much to conjecture. The Span- 
iards had no instruments with them by which they could compute dis- 
tances ; their main object was to conquer the country, and seek for sil- 



452 APPENDIX. 



ver and gold ; consequently, they gave themselves little trouble to note 
down the route." 

De Soto and his followers, says the Inca, landed at the bay of Espi- 
ritu Santo, whence they marched a little more than two leagues in a 
north-east direction, and halted at the village of Hirrihigua : resuming 
their march to the north-east, a journey of twenty-five leagues brought 
them to the village of Urribarracuxi. Hence to the province of Acuera, 
where they next arrived, was twenty leagues. Departing from Acuera, 
and marching towards the north, and sometimes to the north-east, about 
twenty leagues, they came to the town of Ocali; here they crossed the 
river Ocali, and, journeying sixteen leagues, reached Ochile; a frontier 
village of the province of Vitachuco. The Spaniards, says the Inca, 
marched more than fifty leagues through this province. We next find 
them in the village of Vitachuco : setting out from thence, they march- 
ed four leagues, to the river of Osachile; crossing this, they continued 
on six leagues, and came to the village of Osachile. Twelve leagues 
further they found the great swamp ; traversing this, which was one 
league and a half across, they continued on six leagues, and were arrest- 
ed by a deep stream : — having crossed this, they marched four leagues, 
to the chief village of Apalachee, where they went into winter quarters. 
The Inca states here, that the bay of Aute was about four leagues dis- 
tant. 

Leaving Apalachee, the ensuing spring, they marched to the north- 
ward five days, and came to the province of Atapaha : ten days more 
brought them to the province of Achalaque.* They were five days in 
traversing this province, and in four days more, came to the frontier 
village of the province of Cofa. Leaving this village, in six or seven 
days they came to the province of Cofaqui: from thence, a march of 
seven days brought them to a river ; marching up this for twelve leagues, 
they came to a frontier village of the province of Cofachiqui ; in four 
days more they arrived at Cofachiqui. Quitting this province, they 
came, at the end of eight days, to the province of Chalaque. Three days 
more brought them to the province of Xuala. 

The Inca here, observes, that the Spaniards were fifty-seven days 

* It will be seen, by referring to chap. xl. of our work, that we consider 
the Inca under a mistake in bringing them so soon to this province. "We pre- 
fer the Portuguese account, which makes their arrival a month later. 



APPENDIX. 453 



marching from Apalachee to Xuala. He supposes that they must have 
marched about four leagues and a half a day ; and that, consequently, 
Xuala must have been nearly two hundred and fifty leagues from the pro- 
vince of Apalachee, and about four hundred from the bay of Espiritu 
Santo. 

They now struck, he says, in a westwardly direction, making a bend 
to the south ; and in five days came to the province of Guaxule. A 
march of six days more, or thirty leagues, brought them to Ychiaha : 
their next journey was to the village of Acoste, five leagues from 
Ychiaha. Leaving this, they traversed the province of Cosa, and in 
twenty-three or four days came to the village of Cosa, which was more 
than a hundred leagues distant from Acoste. Continuing onward towards 
the south, five days' march brought them to the town of Talise ; a jour- 
ney of five or six days more found them in Tascaluza, and marching 
two leagues further, they halted in the town of Mauvila. From thence, 
De Soto, to avoid the sea, struck northwardly, and, marching seven days, 
came to the village of Chicaza. A league distant from this village was 
Chicacilla, where they passed the winter. 

Setting out the following spring, the first place they arrived at was 
Alibamo, four or five leagues from Chicacilla ; a march of three days 
brought them to the village of Chisca, on the banks of the Mississippi. 
Following up along the banks of this river four days, they crossed it, and 
marching four or five days longer, they came to the village of Casquin. 
A journey of six days brought them to Capaha: from thence the army 
returned to the village of Casquin. Leaving that town behind them, 
they continued down along the river nine days, when they reached the 
village of Quiguate. Still following the course of the river, in five 
days they came to Colima. The next province they reached was Tula, 
ten days' journey form the last ; a march of six days more brought them 
to the town of Utiangue, where they wintered. 

In the spring, the army resumed its wanderings, and in seven days 
came to the village of Naguatex. A march of five days brought them to 
the frontiers of the province of Guancane, which they were eight days 
in traversing. From thence they struck in a south-eastwardly direction, 
to reach the Mississippi. They traversed seven provinces, a distance, the 
Inca conjectures, of about one hundred and twenty leagues, and arrived 
at the province of Anilco. Marching through this province for thirty 
leagues, they came to the village of Anilco — a journey of four days 



454 APPENDIX. 



further, brought them to the province of Guachoya, where De Soto 
died. 

The army, he says, set out for the westward, under Luis de Mosco- 
so, and marching more than a hundred leagues, came to the province of 
Auche. Continuing on for six or seven days, they arrived at the prov- 
ince of los Vaqueros : they penetrated more than thirt)^ leagues into 
this province, when their westward march was arrested by the sight of 
lofty mountains. From hence they set out on their return to the Missis- 
sippi, and making a bend to the southward, arrived at the village of Ami- 
noya, three months from the time of their departure from Guachoya. 
The whole distance of their march to the west of the Mississippi, going 
and returning, he computes to have been more than three hundred and 
fifty leagues. 

Garcilaso de la Vega remarks, that it is difficult to give precisely the 
length of the voyage of the Spaniards down the Mississippi, as they 
were so engaged in fighting that they had not time to calculate the pro- 
bable distance ; but he adds, that some time afterwards, in Mexico, they 
consulted among themselves, in the presence of some men skilled in 
maritime matters ; and it was computed, that having had the aid of sails 
and oars, the average of a day and a night must have been about five 
and twenty leagues : and as they were nineteen days and nights in per- 
forming the voyage, the whole distance was not far short of five hun- 
dred leagues. According to the memorandum of Juan Coles, he says, it 
was considered seven hundred leagues. Garcilaso adds that the Mis- 
sissippi, at Aminoya, was nineteen fathoms deep, and a quarter of a 
league wide ; and that some persons, who pretended to a knowledge of 
cosmography, asserted, that from this place, where the Spaniards em- 
barked, to where the river takes its rise, was three hundred leagues, and 
some aver much more ; but I adopt, says he, the opinion most within 
bounds, which would make this river eight hundred leagues in extent, 
which was the distance the Spaniards penetrated into the country. 



Having given a sketch of the route as stated by the Inca in his Nar- 
rative, we annex a memorandum of the route accorning to the Portu- 
guese Narrator. 

From the port of the Holy Ghost (Espiritu Santo), he says, the 
army marched round the bay about two leagues, and came to the town 



APPENDIX. 455 

of Ucita : from thence they went thirty leagues to the province of Par- 
acoxi : marching on, through the small villages Acela and Jocaste, they 
came to Cale ; leaving Cale, they passed through Itara and Potano, and 
on the third day came to Utimama. They next came to a habitation, 
which he says the Spaniards called de Mala Paz, and from thence went 
to Cholupaba. Here they crossed a river, and having marched two days, 
arrived at Caliquen ; five days' march brought them to Napetaca : con- 
tinuing on by Pelaya, they next reached Uzachil — in two days' march 
they came to Axille. Having crossed a river, they halted in Vitachuco, 
a village of the province of Palache. Passing through the town of 
Uzelu, they came to Anhayca of Palache, where they went into winter 
quarters. He says the sea was only ten leagues distance from this 
place. 

On the third of March they left Anhayca of Palache, and came to 
Copachiqui on the eleventh ; continuing on, they arrived at Toalli on the 
twenty-first of the same month. Leaving Toalli the twenty-third, they 
crossed a river and came to Achese. Resuming their journey on the first 
of April, they were at Altaraca on the fourth, and arrived at Ocute on 
the tenth : they parted form Ocute on the twelfth, and passing through 
Cafaqui, they came to Patofa. The narrator here observes, that it is 
fifty leagues from Ocute to Patofa, and not less than three hundred and 
sixty leagues from Ocute to Espiritu Santo. 

Leaving Patofa, they marched nine days, at the rate of seven or 
eight leagues a day, crossing two large rivers, and encamped in a desert. 
From hence they marched about twelve or thirteen leagues, and came 
to a small village called Aymay — they next arrived at the province of 
Cutifachiqui, two days' journey distant from Aymay. Departing from 
Cutifachiqui, they marched a hundred leagues in this province, and came 
to Chalaque — a journey of five days more brought them to the province 
of Xualla. The narrator observes here, that from Ocute to Cutifachiqui, 
it is reckoned a hundred and thirty leagues, and from Cutifachiqui to 
Xualla, two hundred and fifty. Leaving Xualla, they came in five days 
to Quaxule — two days' march brought them to Canasaqua : they jour- 
neyed on five days, and came to Chiaha. The next town they reached 
was Acoste, seven days' journey distant. On the ninth of July the 
army left Acoste, and went to Tali ; and thence to Cosa, where they ar- 
rived on the fifteenth. They parted from Cosa on the twentieth, and 
passing through Tallimuchase, Ulliballi, and Toasi, arrived at Tallise on 



456 APPENDIX. 



the eighteenth of September. The narrator remarks in this place, that 
they usually marched five or six leagues a day in countries that were in- 
habited; but in the wilderness they journeyed as far as possible, lest 
they should be straitened for want of provisions. He says, that it is 
computed that Tascaluza is twenty leagues south of Cosa — Cosa one 
hundred and eighty leagues west of Xualla— Xualla two hundred and 
fifty leagues north of Cutifachiqui — Cutifachiqui four hundred and thirty 
leagues north-east of Palache — and Palache one hundred west from 
Espiritu Santo. — Leaving Tallise, the Spaniards passed through Ca- 
siste, and came to the town of Piache ; here they crossed a wide river, 
and continuing on, arrived at Maville the eighteenth of October. They 
departed from Maville the eighteenth of November, and in five days en- 
tered the province of Pafallaya : they passed through the villages of 
Taliepatave and Cabusto, and crossing a wide river, arrived at Chicasa, 
on the eighteenth of December. Here they went into winter quarters. 

Resuming their march in the spring, they came to the village of 
Alimamu — hence they journeyed seven days, and arrived at Quizquiz : a 
march of half a league brought them to the Mississippi. From Tasca- 
luza to the great river, observes the narrator, we reckon three hundred 
leagues. 

Crossing this river, they marched a league and a half, to a village in 
the province of Aquixo ; continuing on, they came to the village of Cas- 
qui — they next reached the village of Pacaha, about a day's journey 
distant from Casqui. Returning to the latter place, they continued their 
march, and arrived at Quigate, which was one hundred and twenty 
leagues from Pacaha. 

Leaving Quigate, they marched about forty leagues to the province 
of Coligoa. Five days more brought them to Palisema: they next 
came to Tafalicoya. Four days' journey distant was the province of 
Cayas, which they entered, and halted in the town of Tanico. After a 
march of three days they came to Tulla : they next arrived, at the end 
of five days, at Quipana. Continuing onward, they passed through 
Anoixi and Catamaya, and arrived at Autiamque, where they passed the 
winter. 

Setting out from Autiamque on the sixth of March, they passed 
through the province of Ayays, and came to the town of Tultelpina. 
After three days' march, they arrived at Tianto ; and the next day, the 
fifteenth of March, they came to Nilco. Soon after, they came to 



APPENDIX. 457 



Guachoya, where De Soto dies. Luis de Moscoso set out on the fifth 
of June, and passing through the province of Catalte arrived at Chagu- 
ate on the twentieth. Three days' journey from thence brought them 
to the province of Aguacay. They continued on, and passing by Pato, 
on the fourth day came to the province of Maye : — they next reached 
Naguatex. At the end of three days' march, they came to the small 
hamlet of Missobone : thence they passed through Lacane, Mondacao, 
and the province of Aays, and arrived at Soeatino. After twenty days' 
march, they came to the province of Guasco. They continued on to 
the river Daycao, ten days' journey from Guasco, where they arrived in 
the beginning of October. The narrator says here, that from Daycao 
to the great river it was one hundred and fifty leagues, which they had 
travelled, marching always to the westward. 

From hence they set out on their return, and passing through Nag- 
uatex, Chaguete, and the town of Cilano, arrived at Nilco in the begin- 
ning of December : from thence they went two days' journey to Minoya. 
Here they embarked upon the Mississippi. Their course, he says, con- 
tinued seventeen days, in which time they made two hundred and fifty 
leagues. 



THE END. 



'" 



W10 6 



G 










: s: 



Hi 



L* 









N 



I* 



»<11 












V 




© N 









'."..*««* *o 


















^ ,/ % 



£*• ^ a* *VrfW> ^ 



V 








£* 



*-<# ♦ 





*~ ♦ 



<J> " N 









^ ^ 



WERT 
BOOKBINDING 
Grantville, Pa- 
May— |uoe 1965 

Wt'rt Qmfcr *eu«* 








t • o 



°o 







» « » 







